Nixon: Man Behind the Mask - Gary Allen

The Establishing of Establishments

The word "Establishment" is badly overused and misused today, thanks to the young people who employ it to categorize parents, teachers, policemen, all government employees, all businessmen, and virtually anyone who has drifted across the magical age line of thirty. This is unfortunate, for there is in the country what truly amounts to an Establishment. As we use the word in this book, it means people and organizations connected with the immensely powerful and highly secret Council on Foreign Relations—the CFR.

One of the extremely infrequent articles concerning this Council that have appeared in the national press was published in the Christian Science Monitor of September 1, 1961. It began this way:

"On the west side of fashionable Park Avenue at 68th Street [in New York City] sit two handsome buildings across the way from each other. One is the Soviet Embassy to the United Nations . . . Directly opposite on the southwest corner is the Council on Foreign Relations—probably one of the most influential semi-public organizations in the field of foreign policy."

Although the formal membership of the CFR is composed of fourteen hundred of the most elite names in the worlds of government, labor, business, finance, communications, the foundations, and education—and despite the fact that it has staffed almost every key position of every administration since FDR's—it is doubtful that one American in a hundred so much as recognizes the Council's name, or that one in a thousand knows anything at all about its structure or purpose.

Indicative of the CFR's power to maintain its anonymity is the fact this writer discovered after poring over decades of volumes of the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature: that, despite its having been operative at the highest levels for fifty years, and having from the beginning counted among its members the foremost lions of the communications media, the CFR has been the subject of only one article in a major national journal—and that one in Harper's, hardly a mass-circulation periodical. Similarly, only a handful of articles on the Council have appeared in the nation's great newspapers. Such anonymity—at that level can hardly be a matter of mere chance.

Strangely, if you write to the CFR asking for information, you will receive an expensively printed Annual Report which lists officers, members, publications, and expenses for the previous year. But this is just about all you can learn about the CFR. We don't know who really sets its policy, and its meetings are secret. In fact, the bylaws call for the expulsion of any member who discusses in public what goes on at CFR meetings.

The Christian Science Monitor did note in the article of September 1, 1961, that:

"Its roster . . . contains names distinguished in the field of diplomacy, government, business, finance, science, labor, journalism, law and education. What united so wide-ranging and disparate a membership is a passionate concern for the direction of American foreign policy."

The CFR's passionate concern for the direction of American foreign policy has amounted to an attempt—highly successful—to make certain that American foreign policy continues marching Leftward toward World Government.

The CFR was criticized for precisely this by the Reece Committee, a Special Committee of the House of Representatives established in 1953 to investigate abuses by tax-free foundations. In the case of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Committee found that "its productions are not objective but are directed overwhelmingly at promoting the globalism concept."

Despite nearly incredible pressure to remain silent, the Reece Committee disclosed that the CFR had in fact come to be almost an employment agency for key areas of the U.S. Government—"no doubt carrying its internationalist bias with it." The investigation also showed that the CFR's influence was so great that it had almost completely usurped the prescribed activities of the U.S. State Department. The Christian Science Monitor article confirmed this conclusion as follows:

"Because of the Council's single-minded dedication to studying and deliberating American foreign policy, there is a constant flow of its members from private to public service. Almost half of the Council members have been invited to assume official government positions or to act as consultants at one time or another." [Emphasis added.]

The policies promoted by the CFR in the fields of defense and international relations become the official policies of the United States Government with a regularity that defies the laws of chance. As Liberal columnist Joseph Kraft, himself a member of the CFR, noted of the Council in Harper's of July 1958:

"It has been the seat of . . . basic government decisions, has set the context for many more, and has repeatedly served as a recruiting ground .for ranking officials."

Kraft, incidentally, aptly titled his article on the CFR, "School for Statesmen"—an admission that the members of the Council are drilled with a "line" of strategy to be carried out in Washington.

As the Christian Science Monitor admits, almost half of the members of the CFR have served in the government under one administration or another. There are CFR members who serve in Democratic administrations and CFR members who serve in Republican regimes. There is a great game of musical chairs when a new administration takes office, although no matter who is in power, many members seem to stay on in key positions, particularly in the State Department. Since the public knows nothing of the CFR, it accepts the public relations image that many of these men are political enemies, not realizing that they are in fact all parts of the same power-seeking organization.

So completely has the CFR dominated the State Department over the past thirty-eight years that every Secretary of State except Cordell Hull, James Byrnes, and William Rogers has been a CFR member. And though Rogers himself is not CFR, Professor Henry Kissinger, the President's chief foreign policy advisor, came to the job from the staff of the Council on Foreign Relations.

The CFR has one primary goal: the abolition of the United States. This is not an exaggeration, although it is hardly the way they express it. Our Founding Fathers set up a sovereign United States. The CFR wants to abolish the sovereign United States and set up a world government. That is why the CFR was founded in 1919. The CFR makes no bones about world government being its goal. "Study No. 7," published by the CFR on November 25, 1959, openly advocates:

"building a new international order [which] must be responsive to world aspirations for peace [and] for social and economic change . . . an international order . . . including states labeling themselves as 'Socialist' [Communist]."

To accomplish this, the CFR says, we must "gradually increase the authority of the UN" until it becomes the official government of the world. Since you cannot have sovereignty at the national level and at the international, UN level at the same time, the CFR is advocating the abolition of the United States as a sovereign government.

Richard Rovere, in his half-kidding and wholly-in-earnest treatise called The American Establishment, referred to the CFR as the American "Presidium." This is an accurate description, for like the Russian Presidium, the CFR only presides. It is the Establishment, but not the inner core, or "inner steering committee" as George Orwell called it, of the Establishment.

Fortunately, someone who has been on the inside, or very close to it, has written a book about it. He is Dr. Carroll Quigley, professor of history at the Foreign Service School of Georgetown University. He formerly taught at Princeton and Harvard as well as at the Army and Navy War Colleges. Professor Quigley's monumental book. Tragedy and Hope, contains amazing revelations concerning the clique of kingmakers who run international politics and international finance. W. Cleon Skousen, Ph.D., who served for sixteen years in the FBI (including several years as personal assistant to J. Edgar Hoover), and who now teaches at Brigham Young University, stated in his recently published, 130-page review of Quigley's book:

"Political conspiracies also have a way of reaching the public, because someone on the inside is willing to tell the story. I have waited for thirty years for somebody on the inside of the modern political power structure to talk. At last, somebody has."

Dr. Skousen, who calls his review The Naked Capitalist, begins by commenting:

"When Dr. Quigley decided to write his 1,300 page book called Tragedy and Hope, he knew he was deliberately exposing one of the best kept secrets in the world. As one of the elite "insiders," he knew the scope of this power complex and he knew that its leaders hope to eventually attain total global control. Furthermore, Dr. Quigley makes it clear throughout his book that by and large he warmly supports the goals and purposes of the "network."

"But if that is the case, why would he want to expose this world-wide conspiracy and disclose many of its most secret operations? Obviously, disclosing the existence of a mammoth power network which is trying to take over the world could not help but arouse the vigorous resistance of the millions of people who are its intended victims. So why did Dr. Quigley write this book?

"His answer appears in a number of places but is especially forceful and clear on pages 979-980. He says, in effect, that it is now too late for the little people to turn back the tide. In a spirit of kindness he is therefore urging them not to fight the noose which is already around their necks. He feels certain that those who do will only choke themselves to death . . ."

Quigley's qualifications for writing about the international conspiracy are as imposing as are those of ex-FBI man Skousen, author of the national best seller The Naked Communist, for exposing the real import of Tragedy and Hope. Quigley says of this Insider conspiracy:

"I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960's, to examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have objected, both in the past and recently, to a few of its policies . . . but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant enough to be known." [Emphasis added.]

Skousen observes:

"Dr. Quigley admits he is telling more than his comrades-in-arms would care to have disclosed. They want their conspiratorial subversion to be kept a secret. Dr. Quigley thinks it is time people knew who was running things . . .

The real value of Tragedy and Hope is not so much as a "history of the world in our time" (as its subtitle suggests), but rather as a bold and boastful admission by Dr. Quigley that there actually exists a relatively small but powerful group which has succeeded in acquiring a choke-hold on the affairs of practically the entire human race.

Of course, we should be quick to recognize that no small group could wield such gigantic power unless millions of people in all walks of life were "in on the take" and were willing to knuckle down to the iron-clad regimentation of the ruthless bosses behind the scenes

Who is behind this conspiracy to control the world? Skousen writes:

"He [Quigley) points out that during the past two centuries when the peoples of the world were gradually winning their political freedom from the dynastic monarchies, the major banking families of Europe and America were actually reversing the trend by setting up new dynasties of political control through the formation of international financial combines.

"Dr. Quigley points out that these banking dynasties had learned that all governments must have sources of revenue from which to borrow in times of emergency. They had also learned that by providing such funds from their own private resources, they could make both kings and democratic leaders tremendously subservient to their will. It had proven to be a most effective means of controlling political appointments and deciding political issues."

Quigley reveals that these international banking dynasties established a vast network to control government through the control of money. Quigley writes:

"The greatest of these dynasties, of course, were the descendants of Meyer Amschel Rothschild (1743-1812) of Frankfort, whose male descendants, for at least two generations, generally married first cousins or even nieces. Rothschild's five sons, established at branches in Vienna, London, Naples, and Paris, as well as Frankfort, cooperated together in ways which other international banking dynasties copied but rarely excelled.

"The names of some of these [other] banking families are familiar to all of us and should be more so. They include Baring, Lazard, Erlanger, Warburg, Schroder, Seligman, the Speyers, Mirabaud, Mallet, Fould, and above all Rothschild and [J.P.] Morgan."

We should here caution the reader that we are not talking about his personal banker down on the corner, who has nothing to do with the international intriguers we are discussing. Secrecy has always been the byword of the international bankers. According to Quigley:

"The influence of financial capitalism and of the international bankers who created it was exercised both on business and on governments, but could have done neither if it had not been able to persuade both of these to accept two "axioms" of its own ideology. Both of these were based on the assumption that politicians were too weak and too subject to temporary popular pressures to be trusted with control of the money system . . . To do this it was necessary to conceal, or even to mislead, both governments and people about the nature of money and its methods of operation."

The aims of this stealthy crew are spelled out by Quigley:

"In addition to these pragmatic goals, the powers of financial capitalism had another far-reaching aim, nothing less than to create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. The system was to be controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences."

Through this system the international bankers hope to gain control over the world's natural resources, finance, transportation, and commerce. In order to do this they must first eliminate their competitors. The only way they can do it is by gaining control of government and establishing socialism. To accomplish this on a world-wide basis you need a world government—a socialist world government.

Most people cannot understand why many of the super-rich like the Rockefellers, Kennedys, and Fords are socialists. "They have far more to lose under socialism than I." is a typical comment. People make that statement because they believe that socialism is really what the super-rich want them to believe socialism is, i.e., a movement to divide the wealth. But if these super-rich international bankers wanted to divide their wealth they could do it right now. There is no law against the Rockefellers giving away their billions. Instead, the super-rich almost totally avoid paying the taxes that finance the socialistic giveaway programs they force on the middle-class. They hide their wealth in foundations where it compounds tax-free.

The concept that socialism is a divide-the-wealth program is held by revolutionaries, visionary Utopians, and misguided idealists, who are promoting, in the name of fighting the super-rich, the socialism the Insiders want. Socialism in practice is not a share-the- wealth program but a consolidate-and-control-the-wealth program. When you understand this, the seeming paradox of the promotion of socialism by the power-hungry super-rich described by Quigley, becomes no paradox at all.

Most people mistakenly believe that wealthy people are conservative, that they believe in free enterprise and are opposed to government controls. In many cases this is true, but it is not true of the super-rich cartel monopolists who want to control the world. These people are not on the Right, but on the Left. They don't want competition, they want monopoly. They work through the Left because the Left promotes government controls, and only by government controls can these monopolists eliminate their competition.

Robert Bartley of the Wall Street Journal, which does not consider itself Conservative, has observed:

"Today the Establishment has unquestionably adopted liberalism . . . The Establishment opposes Conservatives because Conservatives oppose government controls and a world super-state. The Left advocates controls and a world government. This is why these billionaires work and finance revolutionary movements whose objective is ostensibly to destroy the super-rich."

Quigley admits in effect that there is a conspiracy bigger than the Communist conspiracy. He writes:

"There does exist, and has existed for a generation, an international Anglophile network which operates, to some extent, in the way the radical Right believes the Communists act. In fact, this network, which we may identify as the Round Table Groups, has no aversion to cooperating with the Communists, or any other groups, and frequently does so."

Why has this Establishment conspiracy never been exposed? Many people have tried to expose it. The chief weapon used to stop the exposure is ridicule. Nobody likes to be ridiculed. If one calls attention to the strange alliance between the international bankers and their cohorts, and the Left, the retort is usually a sneering, "Obviously you believe in the conspiracy theory of history." In most cases that stops the person who is trying to expose the conspiracy. The connotation is that a person who believes there is a conspiracy seeking financial and political control of the world is a paranoid who believes that every Liberal college professor gets his orders for the day in a special morning telegram from conspiracy headquarters. Since sneering at the idea of a conspiracy is fashionable, millions of well-meaning people who know absolutely nothing about it repeat the sneering statements of ridicule. Nobody tries to refute the facts. They cannot be refuted. And why try when ridicule works so effectively?

But ridicule is only half of the Establishment's weapon system to avoid exposure. The Establishment's media simply never discuss the existence of the interlocking organizations and individuals within the CFR's orbit. CFR members control such mass media as the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Life, Time, Newsweek, and the Columbia Broadcasting System and National Broadcasting Company. The Establishment has also spent enormous amounts of money to steer historians away from subjects it feels are dangerous. Professor Harry Elmer Barnes wrote about this in his The Struggle Against the Historical Blackout:

"It may be said, with great restraint, that never since the Dark and Middle Ages, have there been so many powerful forces organized and alerted against tile assertion and acceptance of historical truth . . . . The Rockefeller Foundation and the Council on Foreign Relations . . . intend to prevent, if they can, a repetition of what they call in the vernacular the debunking journalistic campaign following World War I."

Whittaker Chambers, the man who exposed Alger Hiss (CFR) as a Soviet spy, made this observation:

"No one who has, even once, lived close to the making of history can ever again suppose that it is made the way the history books tell it. With rare exceptions such books are like photographs. They catch a surface image. Often as not, they distort it. The secret forces working behind and below the historical surface they seldom catch."

But people do not reject all conspiracies. They can believe businesses conspire to fix prices. They can believe in the conspiracy of organized crime—Cosa Nostra. It is not that they reject conspiracy per se, they just reject the idea that there is an international conspiracy that uses the Communists and other Leftwing movements, and works to gain control over governments. Cosa Nostra ['Our Thing'] is an example of how people will accept conspiracy in one area of human activity while they reject it in another. Until Joseph Valachi sang to a Congressional committee some years ago, people knew so little about Cosa Nostra that they didn't even know its name. They called it the Mafia, and many people vehemently denied that such an organization existed.

What is the difference between Cosa Nostra man Lucky Luciano and, say, Nelson Rockefeller? The only essential difference is that Rockefeller had wealth, background, and education. Totally cunning and absolutely ruthless, Luciano scratched his way to the top of the Cosa Nostra heap. Though altogether despicable, he was an able, ambitious, and talented man. If Luciano had been born to a patrician family, had attended swank private academies and then matriculated at Harvard, possessing the same brilliant mind and amoral personality, he would have come to an inescapable conclusion: Why spend your time pushing numbers, drugs, and dames, when you can get into government where the real money and power are? A socialist government controls people, and when one controls people one has absolute power over their economic activity too. The advance of Socialism in the world is no natural phenomenon, as the Internationalists pretend. Like depressions, it is a sinister promotion by the Insiders and their allies.

The Old Testament is full of conspiracies, most of them for power over government. Even a cursory study of Rome or Athens shows the role played by numerous conspiracies. As we climb the historical ladder to modern times, the number of political conspiracies increases; but we are not to believe that any are operative today—that is the "conspiracy theory of history." What is a conspiracy? Liberals would have us believe that Conservatives conjure up mysterious men in long black overcoats and slouch hats who meet in closets and mysteriously issue orders or exchange information. Here is the ridicule technique in action!

All a conspiracy is, is men planning together for an unlawful purpose. "Conspiratorialists"—those who hold the "conspiracy theory of history"—agree with FDR, who said, "Nothing just happens in politics. If something happens you can be sure it was planned that way." The idea of "smoke-filled rooms" suggests secret plans being made, does it not? There are only two theories of history—(1) that things happen because they were planned that way, and (2) that everything happens by accident and nobody makes any plans.

The latter is the idea that ought to be ridiculed, for it considers the observable reality—that America has been moving Left for thirty-five years, that we have persistent inflation, that we fight endless "no-win" wars, and that for twenty-five years we have been constantly losing to the Communists—to be a total accident. As former Secretary of Defense James Forrestal once remarked, "Consistency has never been a mark of stupidity. If they were merely stupid they would occasionally make a mistake in our favor."

Abraham Lincoln observed in his "House Divided" speech:

"We can not absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places and by different workmen, Stephen, Franklin, Roger and James, for instance—and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few—not omitting even scaffolding—or, if a single piece be lacking, we can see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared to yet bring such piece in—in such a case, we find it impossible to not believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first lick was struck."

The very essence of a conspiracy is that its perpetrators must convince the public that it does not exist. This, of course, necessitates lying. In order to be a conspirator one must be a liar—and a convincing one, who conveys sincerity in whatever he says. The conspiracy also must mask its goals in order to get idealists to do its work for it, and it does so by using humanitarian terms like "seeking social justice," "ending poverty," and "bringing about world peace." Those who think they are helping the poor are only solidifying the power of the rich. The great historian Oswald Spengler realized this half a century ago, and wrote in his monumental Decline and Fall of the West:

"There is no proletarian, not even a Communist, movement, that has not operated in the interests of money, in the directions indicated by money, and for the time being permitted by money—and that without the idealists among its leaders having the slightest suspicion of the fact."

Quigley picks up the threads of the two-centuries-old movement to control the world by discussing the role of Cecil Rhodes in England during the latter part of the last century. Rhodes, working as a front man for Lord Rothschild, had conquered Southern Africa with its enormous mineral wealth. Rhodes' friendly biographer, Sara Millin, reveals his goal: "The government of the world was Rhodes' simple desire." With a world government under their control, Rhodes and his international banker partners would control the wealth of the world. Quigley notes:

"In the middle 1890's Rhodes had a personal income of at least a million pounds sterling a year (then about five million dollars) which was spent so freely for his mysterious purposes that he was usually overdrawn on his account. These purposes centered on his desire to federate the English-speaking peoples and to bring all the habitable portions of the world under their control."

Frank Aydelotte, a founding member of the CFR, in his book, American Rhodes Scholarships, tells of Rhodes will setting up a "secret society:"

"The seven wills which Cecil Rhodes made between the ages of 24 and 46 [Rhodes died at age forty-eight] constitute a kind of spiritual autobiography . . . Best known are the first (the Secret Society Will . . . ), and the last, which established the Rhodes Scholarships . . .

"In his first will Rhodes states his aim still more specifically: 'The extension of British rule throughout the world . . . the foundation of so great a power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the interests of humanity.'

"The Confession of Faith enlarges upon these ideas. The model for this proposed secret society was the Society of Jesus, though he mentions also the Masons." [Emphasis added.]

Aydelotte tells us, "In 1888 Rhodes made his third will . . . leaving everything to Lord Rothschild." Apparently for strategic reasons, Lord Rothschild was subsequently removed from the forefront of the scheme. Professor Quigley reveals that Lord Rosebery "replaced his father-in-law. Lord Rothschild, in Rhodes' secret group and was made a Trustee under Rhodes' next (and last) will." Professor Quigley writes of the formalization of Rhodes' "secret society:"

"They were remarkably successful in these aims because England's most sensational journalist William T. Stead (1849-1912), an ardent social reformer and imperialist, brought them into association with Rhodes. This association was formally established on February 5, 1891, when Rhodes and Stead organized a secret society of which Rhodes had been dreaming for sixteen years. In this secret society Rhodes was to be leader; Stead, Brett (Lord Esher), and [Alfred] Milner were to form an executive committee; Arthur (Lord) Balfour, (Sir) Harry Johnston, Lord Rothschild, Albert (Lord) Grey, and others were listed as potential members of a "Circle of Initiates," while there was to be an outer circle known as the "Association of Helpers" (later organized by Milner as the Round Table organization)."

The "secret society," which fitted into the structure of the much older Illuminati, was organized on the pattern of "circles within circles," as was the Order of the Illuminati itself. The Round Table organization, which was not part of the innermost circle of the Great Conspiracy, was later to spawn the Council on Foreign Relations.

During World War I the Round Table group and its allies actually promoted and financed the Russian Revolution, despite the fact that Russia under the Czar and under Kerensky was an ally of Britain and the U.S. The Communists had made a deal with the Germans to make peace if they took over and thereby to free the German armies to fight the Americans and British on the Western front. Therefore any encouragement by Englishmen or Americans of the Communist takeover of Russia was clearly treason.

Possibly the best source of information on the financing of the Russian Revolution is Czarism and the Revolution by an important White Russian named Arsene de Goulevitch, founder in France of the Union of Oppressed Peoples. In this volume, written in French and since translated into English, de Goulevitch notes:

"The main purveyors of funds for the revolution, however, were neither the crackpot Russian millionaires nor the armed bandits of Lenin. The "real" money primarily came from certain British and American circles which for a long time past had lent their support to the Russian revolutionary cause . . ."

De Goulevitch reveals that Milner, the key man in the secret Round Table organization, was in Russia at the time of the Communist Revolution and was deeply involved. A footnote to the previous quotation contains this critical addition:

"On April 7, 1917, General Janin made the following entry in his diary ("Au G.C.C. Russe"—at Russian G.H.Q.—Le Monde Slave, Vol. 2, 1927, pp. 296-297): Long interview with R., who confirmed what I had previously been told by M. After referring to the German hatred of himself and his family, he turned to the subject of the Revolution which, he claimed, was engineered by the English and, more precisely, by Sir George Buchanan and Lord [Alfred] Milner. Petrograd at the time was teeming with English . . . He could, he asserted, name the streets and the numbers of the houses in which British agents were quartered. They were reported, during the rising, to have distributed money to the soldiers and incited them to mutiny."

The man who apparently was the major financial contributor to the overthrowing of Kerensky (remember, the Czar had already been overthrown) was Jacob Schiff of the Rothschild-connected banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb and Company in New York. The New York Journal-American noted on February 3, 1949: "Today it is estimated by Jacob's grandson, John Schiff, that the old man sank about 20,000,000 dollars for the final triumph of Bolshevism in Russia."

At the time of the Communist Revolution it was widely known and reported by American, British, French, and Dutch journalists and intelligence men in Russia that the international bankers were bankrolling the Bolsheviks. What was not understood was the reason. The international bankers hoped to get a full-blown world government out of World War I, but failing that, at least they could obtain a geographical base for their operation. Whether these international bankers today actually control Russia or whether they just cooperate with the Soviets is a moot point. But obviously they do not fear the Communists. Quigley admits, as noted earlier, that "this network, which we may identify as the Round Table Groups [including the CFR], has no aversion to cooperating with the Communists, or any other groups, and frequently does so." We know that after the Bolshevik Revolution the Insiders controlled Russia. It is doubtful that they would allow themselves to lose control. If they have somehow done so, it has not altered their attitudes and policies towards helping Communism.

Evidence revealed in the three-volume work. The United States and Soviet Economic Development, by Antony Sutton of Stanford University's Hoover Institution for War, Revolution and Peace, shows that CFR members began in 1919 to transfer American technology and know-how to the Soviet Union; they continue to do so today, with the blessing of the Nixon Administration. Russian Communism is the hammer and Finance Capitalism is the anvil. With these two instruments the world is to be pounded into one unified mass run by an elite group of international civil servants serving their masters, the Insiders. Former FBI-man W. Cleon Skousen, commenting on the Quigley book, states:

". . . In a nutshell. Dr. Quigley has undertaken to expose what every insider like himself has known all along—that the world hierarchy of the dynastic super-rich is out to take over the entire planet, doing it with Socialistic legislation where possible, but having no reluctance to use Communist revolution where necessary."

The Communists are merely the "hatchet men" of an evil conspiracy that is far more sinister and diabolical than Communism itself. Communism did not create the Conspiracy, but the Conspiracy created Communism. And the men at the top of the Conspiracy are not Communists in the sense that the public understands the word. They are not loyal to Moscow or Peking or the United States. They are loyal to their own group of Insiders, who are seeking total world control. The late Dr. Bella Dodd, a former member of the National Committee of the Communist Party USA, who later became an active anti-Communist, told Dr. Skousen: "I think the Communist conspiracy is merely a branch of a much bigger conspiracy!" Skousen adds:

"Dr. Dodd said she first became aware of some mysterious super-leadership right after World War II when the U.S. Communist Party had difficulty getting instructions from Moscow on several vital matters requiring immediate attention. The American Communist hierarchy was told that any time they had an emergency of this kind they should contact any one of three designated persons at the Waldorf Towers. Dr. Dodd noted that whenever the Party obtained instructions from any of these three men, Moscow always ratified them.

What puzzled Dr. Dodd was the fact that not one of these three contacts was a Russian. Nor were any of them Communists. In fact, all three were extremely wealthy American capitalists!

Having the Communist world as an "enemy" provides an excuse for establishing ever higher taxes and ever more controls at home. We are kept fighting "the perpetual war for perpetual peace," just as in Orwell's 1984. (Orwell, incidentally, was a Communist Party member who became aware that the Communist movement was merely a pawn in a conspiracy of gangsters.) "Busy giddy minds with foreign quarrels," one of Shakespeare's characters recommends. Eventually, in the not far distant future, Americans will be beguiled into accepting a world government to "save us from Communism" and end the endless Vietnam-type wars. It is the old throw-Br'er-Rabbit-into-the-briar-patch ploy.

The Insider conspirators had hoped to achieve this world government as a result of World War I, under the League of Nations. But while President Woodrow Wilson was doing his best to restructure the world at Versailles, the anesthesia induced back home by internationalist propaganda was rapidly wearing off. As the negotiations revealed that one side had been about as guilty as the other, and all the glitter of the "moral crusade" evaporated with Wilson's vaunted "Fourteen Points," the "rubes back on Main Street" began to stir and wake. Reaction and disillusionment set in.

Americans hardly wanted to get into a World Government with double-dealing European crooks whose specialty was secret treaty hidden behind secret treaty. The guest of honor, so to speak, stalked out of the banquet before the poisoned meal could be served. And without American participation there could be no effective World Government.

Aroused public opinion made it obvious that the U.S. Senate dared not ratify a treaty saddling the country with such an internationalist commitment. The American public had somehow to be sold the idea of internationalism and World Government, and it was for precisely that purpose that the CFR was made to order.

When the members of the Round Table group saw the handwriting on the wall, they decided to form a network of front organizations in the major Western nations to "educate" the nationalistic boobs to accept world government. This led to the founding of the Council on Foreign Relations as a part of this network. According to Professor Quigley:

"At the end of the war of 1914, it became clear that the organization of this system [the Round Table Group] had to be greatly extended. Once again the task was entrusted to Lionel Curtis who established, in England and each dominion, a front organization to the existing Round Table Group. This front organization, called the Royal Institute of International Affairs, had as its nucleus in each area the existing submerged Round Table Group.

"In New York it was known as the Council on Foreign Relations, and was a front for J.P. Morgan and Company in association with the very small American Round Table Group. The American organizers were dominated by the large number of Morgan "experts," including Lamont and Beer, who had gone to the Paris Peace Conference and there became close friends with the similar group of English "experts" which had been recruited by the Milner group. In fact, the original plans for the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Council on Foreign Relations were drawn up at Paris.

"The Council of RIIA (which by Curtis's energy came to be housed in Chatham House, across St. James's Square from the Astors, and was soon known by the name of this headquarters) and the board of the Council on Foreign Relations have carried ever since the marks of their origin."

As the decades have passed, the Morgan group has faded in strength and been replaced by the Rockefellers, whose number one business now is not oil, but banking. But all of the major international banking families are represented in the CFR and have been since its founding. These families include such familiar names as the Rockefellers, the Morgans, the Lamonts, the Lehmans, the Schiffs, the Warburgs, the Kahns, and their hirelings. Their scions were often closely linked together by business and family ties both here and in Europe. Quigley says:

". . . the relationship between the financial circles of London and those of the eastern United States . . . reflects one of the most powerful influences in twentieth-century American and world history. The two ends of this English-speaking axis have sometimes been called, perhaps facetiously, the English and American Establishments. There is, however, a considerable degree of truth behind the joke, a truth which reflects a very real power structure. It is this power structure which the Radical Right in the United States has been attacking for years in the belief that they are attacking the Communists. This is particularly true when these attacks are directed, as they so frequently are, at 'Harvard Socialism,' or at 'Left-wing newspapers' like The New York Times and the Washington Post, or at foundations . . ."

There is a strong interlocking directorate between the CFR and the socialism-promoting Rockefeller, Ford, and Carnegie Foundations. These and many other foundations have been working for decades to bring socialism to America and to promote concepts of world government. In doing so they had no aversion to employing men with Communist backgrounds, until a Congressional investigation forced them to replace Communist-linked Leftists with Establishment Leftists. Quigley admits:

"It was this group of people [the Eastern Establishment] , whose wealth and influence so exceeded their experience and understanding, who provided much of the framework of influence which the Communist sympathizers and fellow travelers took over in the United States in the 1930's. It must be recognized that the power that these energetic Left-wingers exercised was never their own power or Communist power but was ultimately the power of the international financial coterie, and, once the anger and suspicions of the American people were aroused, as they were by 1950, it was, a fairly simple matter to get rid of the Red sympathizers." [Emphasis added.] 24

This, of course, raises the question of just who is using whom? It is always assumed that it is the Communists who dupe others into doing their work. In most cases this is undoubtedly true; however, it strains credulity to believe that men who are the world's shrewdest businessmen and bankers can be perennial suckers in dealing with Communists. Clearly there are Insiders manipulating both ends of the show.

The Reece Committee attempted to investigate this matter. Norman Dodd, chief investigator for the Committee, was told by the then-President of the Ford Foundation that the purpose of his Foundation "was to so alter American society that it could be comfortably merged with that of the Soviet Union." Dodd was then told that this was being done on "orders from the White House." Quigley says of the Reece Committee's investigation of tax-exempt foundations:

"It soon became clear that people of immense wealth would be unhappy if the investigation went too far and that the 'most respected' newspapers in the country, closely allied with these men of wealth, would not get excited enough about any revelations to make the publicity worth while, in terms of votes or campaign contributions. An interesting report showing the Left-wing associations of the interlocking nexus of tax-exempt foundations was issued in 1954 rather quietly. "

Dodd maintains that when the investigation began probing into "the so-called legitimate world" that is the real nerve center of the Communist movement, the investigation was quashed.

Dan Smoot, like Skousen a former FBI agent, reveals that Communists have operated within the CFR itself:

"Among the most influential of CFR members during the late 1930's and early 1940's, when the CFR cabal was taking control of policy-making functions inside the federal government, were such people as Alger Hiss and Lauchlin Currie, later identified as Soviet espionage agents; and Owen Lattimore, later identified as a 'conscious, articulate instrument of the Soviet international conspiracy.'

"I do not intend to imply that the Council on Foreign Relations ever was a communist organization. Boasting among its past members four Presidents of the United States (Hoover, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon) and many other high officials, both civilian and military, the CFR can be termed, by those who agree with its objectives, a 'patriotic' organization.

"The fact, however, that communists worked for many years as influential members of the CFR indicates something about the CFR's objectives. The ultimate aim of the Council on Foreign Relations (however well-intentioned many of its members may be) is the same as the ultimate aim of international communism: to create a one-world socialist system and make the United States a part of it."

The CFR serves as a giant lobby within the government, the foundations, banking, big business, communications, and the academy to promote its one-world designs. It does this by promoting increased aid and trade with the Communist countries, disarmament, increased foreign aid, endless no-win wars, and the surrendering of sovereignty to world organizations. The primary vehicle is to be the United Nations, which will serve to run the Insiders' world monopoly. The UN is largely the creature of the CFR (sometimes called the Council For Revolution). Forty-seven CFR members attended the San Francisco Conference that founded the UN, and the Rockefeller family donated the New York City land upon which the UN building was constructed.

Dan Smoot, considered by many to be the most sound and penetrating researcher and reporter of our time, published a book called The Invisible Government. In his foreword Mr. Smoot wrote:

". . . I am convinced that the Council on Foreign Relations, together with a great number of other associated tax-exempt organizations, constitutes the invisible government which sets the major policies of the federal government; exercises controlling influence on government officials who implement the policies; and through massive and skillful propaganda, influences Congress and the public to support the policies.

"I am convinced that the objective of this invisible government is to convert America into a socialist state and then make it a unit in a one-world socialist system."

CFR members have virtually run the administrations of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and Richard Nixon. This is the real reason why "there isn't a dime's worth of difference"—why despite campaign promises our policy of appeasing the Communists never changes. As the Chicago Tribune noted, in referring to the Nixon State Department: "The more it changes, the more it remains the same."

One of the primary goals of the Council on Foreign Relations has always been to make the Democrat and Republican parties as much alike in their actual policies as possible. The game is to make the two parties appear to the public to be different while they act the same—the real control being hidden in the inner sanctum of the CFR headquarters in New York. Is it not natural that conspirators would try to control both, or all, sides of the conflict, political or otherwise? This has always been the strategy of the Marxists, and it was also followed by the J.P. Morgan interests in America even before the founding of the CFR. According to Professor Quigley:

". . . they [the Morgan partners] expected they would be able to control both political parties equally. Indeed, some of them intended to contribute to both and to allow an alternation of the two parties in public office in order to conceal their own influence . . ."

Quigley adds:

"More than fifty years ago the Morgan firm decided to infiltrate the Left-wing political movements in the United States. This was relatively easy to do, since these groups were starved for funds and eager for a voice to reach the people. Wall Street supplied both. The purpose was not to destroy, dominate or take over . . ."

The purpose was to guide the Left into doing what the Insiders wanted. Many of these movements were later absorbed into the Democratic Party, and when this happened their Wall Street-international banker connections went with them.

"The associations between Wall Street and the Left . . . are really survivals of the associations between the Morgan Bank and the Left. To Morgan all political parties were simply organizations to be used, and the firm was careful to keep a foot in all camps."

When the English Round Table Groups started the Council on Foreign Relations in conjunction with the Morgan-Rockefeller organizations, this policy became standard operating procedure for the CFR. The Morgan partners have divided themselves between the Democratic and Republican parties. The Rockefellers have traditionally been Republicans, while other international banking families active in the CFR, like the Schiffs, Warburgs, Kahns, , Lehmans, and Harrimans, have been Democrats.

CFR members include such Democratic party powers as Dean Acheson, George Ball, William Benton, Chester Bowles, McGeorge Bundy, Ellsworth Bunker, David Dubinsky, Henry Fowler, John Kenneth Galbraith, Arthur Goldberg, Hubert Humphrey, Nicholas Katzenbach, Eugene McCarthy, the late Walter Reuther, Walt W. Rostow, Dean Rusk, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Stuart Symington, Cyrus Vance, Adam Yarmolinsky, and the late brothers Robert and John Kennedy.

Among the CFR members who are major movers and shakers of the Republican party are Clifford Case, Thomas E. Dewey, Paul Hoffman, Jacob Javits, Ogden Reid, David, John, and Nelson Rockefeller, and Harold Stassen.

CFR members in one party are supposed to be the mortal political enemies of those in the other party. It is like going to the theater to see a play. In the cast are heroes and villains and we become emotionally involved, cheering for the good guys and yearning for the bad guys to get their just deserts. But after the play is over the whole cast goes out to have pizza together. They aren't really enemies, they are friends. They work for the same script writer, the same director, and the same financial "angels" behind the scenes. And, of course, you buy a ticket to see the play. The CFR play has been showing in Washington for forty years, and the tickets have been very expensive in both money and blood. The Chicago Tribune's editorial of December 9, 1950, on the CFR still applies:

"The members of the Council [on Foreign Relations] are persons of more than average influence in the community. They have used the prestige that their wealth, their social position, and their education have given them to lead their country toward bankruptcy and military debacle. They should look at their hands. There is blood on them—the dried blood of the last war and the fresh blood of the present one." [the Korean War].

The tickets to the CFR play in Vietnam have cost America nearly 350,000 dead and wounded in that "no-win" war.

As in many plays, the actors can, if need be, play interchangeable roles. An example of CFR bipartisanship was contained in an exclusive interview given to U.S. News & World Report shortly after the election by Democratic President Lyndon Johnson, who stated:

"I am very proud of the contributions made to the Administration by so many outstanding good Republicans . . . such as Secretaries McNamara and Dillon (Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara and Secretary of the Treasury Douglas Dillon), CIA Director John McCone, Special Assistant for National Security Affairs McGeorge Bundy, and distinguished Republican business and community leaders such as John McCloy and Robert Anderson."

All the Republicans mentioned by LBJ were members of the Communist-appeasing Council on Foreign Relations. Naturally, none of these appeasement-minded Republicans could support the anti-Communist position of Senator Barry Goldwater during his campaign against LBJ.

The CFR, unknown to all but a comparative handful of Americans, has made a tragi-comedy out of Republican vs. Democrat politics at the Presidential level. The CFR has concentrated on the executive branch, and competition between parties at the congressional level is much more real. When someone points out that there is not a dime's worth of difference between the Democrats and the Republicans, even in this inflationary age, they mean at the apex of the party, not the grass roots. At the grass-roots level the Republican Party is basically conservative and the Democrat Party (outside of the South) is basically liberal. If you go to a Young Republican meeting and then a Young Democrat meeting, you won't have the feeling that there isn't a dime's worth of difference! But as you go up the political ladder from the grass roots of both parties, they become more and more similar until they merge behind the scenes at the top.

Grass-roots Republicans and Democrats may hack and kick at each other all they want, but the policies at the top never change.

The typical American gets excited during an election by campaign promises like Nixon's to bring "new leadership," because "we can't be led into the '70's by the men who stumbled and bumbled and fumbled their way through the 60's." But after the election when the same disastrous policies are followed, Mr. Typical shrugs his shoulders and returns to his TV set with the fading hope that the next administration will somehow bring to government as much common sense as is found among taxi-drivers. He does not realize that the election promises were bait and that he is really being given the choice between ex-CFR member Tweedle-Dick and present CFR member Tweedle-Dumphrey.

As far as the election goes, it made little difference to the nation as a whole, because the CFR hierarchy is going to continue to call the shots; but it made an enormous amount of difference to Mr. Nixon and Mr. Humphrey. While Mr. Nixon lived the life of a king (with the responsibilities of a king, to be sure) and accepted the perquisites of the office, Mr. Humphrey was freezing his toes off as a teacher at Macalester College in Minnesota. Serving as President for the CFR is much like being the student body president of a high school. Nobody seriously believes that the high school student body president really runs the high school, but he does have some power and lots of glory and prestige. Being President of the United States sure beats teaching Poli-Sci I to smart-aleck sophomores at Macalester College. (Mr. Humphrey, of course, has now escaped the great unwashed at Macalester and returned to the Senate, where he can once again be a fiery radical for the down-trodden international bankers behind the CFR.)

Mr. Nixon joined the Council on Foreign Relations in 1960. (They ask you to join, you don't ask them. Try writing to the CFR saying that you have heard they are a very democratic organization and you would like to join. Oh, do they discriminate!)

According to former FBI man Dan Smoot, Mr. Nixon was a member of the CFR until 1964. Nixon's official attitude about the CFR and his former membership in it was expressed in a very defensive form letter which his staff sent in answer to inquiries during the 1968 political campaign. The following is a quotation from the letter:

"Mr. Nixon has never attended a meeting of the Council on Foreign Relations. He is not currently a member, although several years ago he shared membership with former President Eisenhower, former President Hoover, and a host of other distinguished Americans . . .

"The Council on Foreign Relations . . . is purely and simply a group which supports independent research in world affairs. It takes no positions. It is not a policy-making body. It advocates nothing but research of foreign affairs as a contribution to public opinion. The individual member is in no way bound to any such findings."

The standard defense of the CFR is that it is an organization whose membership has included some of our most wealthy, famous, and powerful men. This, of course, begs the question. It is also passed off as a mere advisory body, but this is misleading. As ultra-liberal columnist Joseph Kraft, himself a member, admitted in his "School for Statesmen" article in Harpers it is much more than that, and "has been the seat of . . . basic government decisions, has set the context for many more, and has repeatedly served as a recruiting ground for ranking officials."

The idea that the CFR "advocates nothing but research" is absolutely untrue. Its "Study No. 7," published in A Strategy for the Sixties, makes very clear the fact that it advocates an extremely radical program of accommodation with the Communists. It is true that a member is not technically bound by any of the CFR's findings, and there are a handful of members who have rebelled against the brainwash; but the Establishment's control goes far beyond the mere bylaws of the CFR.

Nixon's CFR membership became an issue in 1962, during his Republican gubernatorial primary contest with Joe Shell in California. After that Mr. Nixon either dropped out of the CFR or went underground. The CFR admits that it is sometimes necessary for its members to go underground. On page 42 of its 1952 Report, the CFR stated: "Members of the Council are sometimes obliged, by their acceptance of government posts in Washington and elsewhere, to curtail or suspend for a time their participation in Council activities."

Notice that Mr. Nixon's form letter mentioned no reason for his having dropped out of this organization that he so staunchly defends. Was the reason political expediency? He has never repudiated the CFR and supports all of its policies. He also wrote an article in October 1967 for the 45th Anniversary Issue of the CFR's publication, Foreign Affairs Quarterly. The article was entitled "Asia after Vietnam," and was an obvious attempt to court the Liberal intellectuals who read Foreign Affairs, for in it he said things that were clearly different from his standard campaign rhetoric. The article followed the CFR line 100 percent, calling for "the evolution of a new world order" based on "regional approaches to development needs." These proposals later became known as "the Nixon doctrine."

Whether or not Mr. Nixon is a secret member of the CFR is a moot point. He is obviously much further up the Establishment ladder than mere CFR membership would indicate. The proof of the political pudding is in the appointing, and Mr. Nixon's appointments show that his administration is as much dominated by the Communistaccommodating, one- world-promoting CFR as those of his last five predecessors. As of January 1971, Mr. Nixon had appointed to high political position no less than 107 members of the CFR. In fact, Mr. Nixon seems to be going for the record. Imagine, Mr. Nixon appoints 107 members of an organization from which he apparently dropped out for reasons of political expediency—because his membership in it was a political hot potato.

To illustrate the extent of CFR power in Washington at the present time, consider some of these important CFR appointments made by President Nixon:

  • Henry A. Kissinger, Chief foreign policy advisor (directly from the paid staff of the CFR);
  • Henry Cabot Lodge, chief negotiator at the Paris Peace Talks;
  • Charles Yost, Ambassador to the United Nations (also a paid staff member of the CFR);
  • Arthur Burns, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board;
  • Harlan Cleveland, U.S. Ambassador to NATO;
  • George Ball, foreign policy consultant;
  • Robert Murphy, special consultant on international affairs;
  • Dr. Paul McCracken, chief economic aide;
  • Ellsworth Bunker, U.S. Ambassador to Saigon;
  • Gen. Andrew J. Goodpaster, chief military policy advisor;
  • Dr. Glenn T. Seaborg, chairman of the Atomic Energy commission;
  • Joseph J. Sisco, Assistant Secretary of State for the Middle East and South Asia;
  • Jacob Beam, Ambassador to the Soviet Union; and
  • Gerald Smith, director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.