Nixon: Man Behind the Mask - Gary Allen |
Communism will not come to the United States under that name. It will be called the New Freedom, the New Politics, Participatory Democracy, the Greater Society, the New Federalism, or some other such vacuous slogan. Almost all Americans are against Communism, but they don't know what it is. America can stop the Communists when the Insiders are exposed and the public realizes that the primary threat against the Republic comes from within, not from without.
In the coming years the government will assume more and more emergency powers to meet various "temporary crises." Of course, the crises will not be temporary, and neither will the assumption of power. If the last steps down the long road to dictatorship are taken by a Republican President, the job of the conspirators will be easier. The Insiders realize this and will have one of their own, Richard Nixon, doing an acting job as a "Conservative Republican." In the name of "party unity" good Republicans will swallow docilely gigantic increases in dictatorial government power which, if instituted by Democrats, they would resist tenaciously. Many Republicans will actually defend such depredations (if a bit sheepishly), just as Republicans defended Dwight Eisenhower as he broke his campaign promises, one after another.
Fourteen signposts on the road to totalitarianism were compiled some years ago by historian Dr. Warren Carroll and a refugee from Yugoslavian Communism, Mike Djordjevich.
The original list was not in any particular order, nor is the order in which the points are listed here of any particular significance. The imposition of any one of these new restrictions on liberty (none of which are now in effect) would be a clear warning that the total state is very near; and once a significant number of them—say five—have been imposed, we will be justified in concluding that the remainder, or most of the remainder, will not be far behind, and that the fight for freedom and the preservation of the Republic has been lost in this country. The fourteen signposts are:
Steps 1,2,5,6,7,8,11,12 and 13 have already been proposed and some are being actively campaigned for by organized groups. For example. Step 1—The Travel tax urged by President Johnson would have required the declaration of the amount of money being taken out of the country, and in the discussion of this proposal it was seriously suggested that a flat dollar limit be placed on the amount that could be removed. Step 5—Increased government control over private schools of many kinds is proposed annually in many state legislatures. Step 6— Compulsory non-military service—a universal draft of all young men and women, with only a minority going into the armed services—has been discussed by the Nixon administration as an alternative to the draft. Step 7—Sensitivity training is already required for an increasing number of government workers, teachers, and school children. Step 8—As long ago as 1961, Victor Reuther proposed that Right-wing anti-Communist groups and organizations be investigated and placed on the Attorney General's subversive list. Step 11—Prospects for wage and price controls were discussed in Chapter 14. Step 2—The propaganda war in process to force registration or confiscation of firearms is the number one priority of all the collectivists—an armed citizenry being the major roadblock to a totalitarian takeover of the United States.
How can a dictatorship in America be headed off? Truth is a powerful weapon—but only when it is used properly. Not everyone has the courage to face the facts, but facts must be faced, even when they are discouraging. Any action taken on the basis of truth is better than action taken on the basis of falsehood, misconception, and self-deceit.
The facts contained in this book are so powerful that some may choose to run and hide—others to ignore them—while still others will throw up their hands in discouragement. This is exactly what the Insiders want you to do. City Hall wants you to believe you can't fight City Hall. The salvation of America requires an army of educators, armed with truth and facts and tenaciously dedicated to principle. Many have tried to bypass the education step in the process and go directly to political action, and this has resulted only in the wasting of precious time. Action that is not based upon knowledge and understanding is really worse than no action at all. It is not too late to save America if a sufficient number of Americans will stand up, face reality, and go to work.
The fact is that the Republican party is now little more than a name. America's two-party system has quietly been replaced by the virtual dictatorship of an "invisible government." Today, the Council on Foreign Relations and the Insiders behind it control our federal government at practically every level and in every branch. But it need not control Congress. The Senate must ratify all treaties and confirm all appointments. The Senate, therefore, can stop the Council on Foreign Relations and save America, if the people will demand that their Senators live up to their oath to uphold the Constitution of the United States.
By the Constitution, all spending bills must originate in the House of Representatives. No matter who is in the White House, our Congressional representatives can cut spending drastically and force the executive branch to return America to a sound currency and sane fiscal policy.
This is the answer to the question: If not Nixon, who? Americanists are going to have to face up to the reality that almost short of a miracle they are not going to elect an anti-conspiracy Conservative to the Presidency in 1972. To back one of the conspiracy's candidates because he appears to be slightly less Leftist than the other makes no sense at all.
There is no denying that the Insiders start with many advantages—big money, big power, big press, and a big bag of campaign tricks perfected since 1936. The one thing the Insiders and their pawns, the moderates, do not have is a grass-roots following of political activists within the party. This is their Achilles' heel. They attempt to overcome it by constantly preaching unity to the Conservatives.
Unity with one's enemies is always a trap. A known enemy in the open is better than a false friend in ambush. And Liberal Republicans are as much the enemies of Conservative Republicans as Liberal Democrats are—maybe more so. Every Conservative must stand up and proclaim to the world that he will not be part of a unified socialist Republican party.
One of the conspiracy's chief weapons is the desire of most people for respectability or social prestige. To question "party unity" is to become unrespectable. Unfortunately, some people are more interested in saving their social respectability than they are in saving their lives and their country. For many of these people, nominal Republicans, the primary difference between a Democrat and a Republican administration in Washington is that when the Republicans are in they get invited to gala social functions, and when the Democrats are in they don't. (But there won't be any cocktail parties in the concentration camps.)
Conservative Republicans must face the fact that most GOP Liberals at the local level, while certainly not conspirators, are social climbers who are more interested in being invited to the "right" parties by the "right" people than in what is happening to the country. These people are Republicans for social or business purposes, not for ideological reasons. And since the knowledgeable Left within the Republican Party will always use the media to paint Conservatives as "extremists," the so-called moderates will always be the ones carrying the aura of respectability. Americanists have to forget these shallow phonies and recruit honest concerned Americans from the Democratic party.
In 1936, Al Smith, who had been the Democrat party's presidential candidate eight years earlier, had the courage to speak out about what he saw happening in his party, just as many Republicans today are being forced to speak out about what is happening to theirs. Smith said:
"Make a test for yourselves. Just get the platform of the Democratic party and get the platform of the Socialist party and lay them down on your dining room table side by side and get a heavy lead pencil and scratch out the word Democrat and scratch out the word Socialist and let those two platforms lay there . . . "
Ninety percent of what was in the Socialist Party platform of the '30's has now been adopted as the law of the land under the leadership of the Democrats. Take a look at the 1968 Republican party platform. Does it promise to repeal socialism? Or only to run it more efficiently? If the Democrat party takes us into socialism and the Republican party perpetuates it, then freedom is doomed. Expediency leads to slavery. The middle of the road is the path to ever-increasing doses of Marxian socialism.
Al Smith said:
"I suggest to the members of my party on Capitol Hill here in Washington that they take their minds off the Tuesday that follows the first Monday in November. Just take their minds off it to the end that you may do the right thing and not the expedient thing."
And he stated further:
"You can't mix socialism or Communism with [the Constitution]. They are like oil and water . . . They refuse to mix. It is all right with me if they want to disguise themselves as Norman Thomas or Karl Marx or Lenin or any of the rest of that bunch, but what I won't stand for is to let them march under the banner of Jefferson, Jackson or Cleveland."
Today, a Republican Al Smith must speak up and say that Republican socialists won't be allowed to march under the banner of Lincoln and Taft.
Smith concluded by saying:
"Let me give this solemn warning. There can be only one capitol, Washington or Moscow. There can only be one atmosphere of government, the clear, pure, fresh air of free America or the foul breath of Communist Russia. There can be only one flag, the stars and stripes, or the red flag of the Godless Union of the Soviet. There can be only one national anthem, the Star Spangled Banner or the Internationale."
The Republican party needs its own Al Smith.
Earl Browder, then general secretary of the Communist Party, in an address before the National Press Club in Washington in August 1936 told the assembled reporters:
"The program of the Socialist Party and the program of the Communist Party have a common origin in the document known as the Communist Manifesto. There is no difference, so far as the program is concerned and final aim.
The socialists follow the lead of the Communists, the Democrats follow the lead of the socialists, and the Republicans follow the lead of the Democrats. Before we can go Communist, we must first go socialist. Who cares whether the collectivist dictator is theoretically a Republican or a Democrat? Most Republican nominees for high offices have completely ceased even to use the word "socialism" in their attacks on the Democrats. They bleat only of wasteful spending, not of big spending, and promise efficiency and leadership in running the programs the Democrats have already legislated. But either you believe in the principles of Karl Marx or you believe in the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution: there can be no middle ground. If the grass-roots Republican activists will not force their party to stand for principle, then it will continue to be a cheap imitation of Socialist Party A.
We have indeed witnessed bipartisan treason in Washington. The vast majority of Republicans have supported Nixon's continuation of Lyndon Johnson's no-win policy in Vietnam. Most have said nothing of the fact that the United States is financing both sides of the war through aid and trade with the Communist bloc. They have also said little or nothing of the organized and subversive elements that are running the street revolution in America. If the public had known the truth about these events, the course of American history would have been changed for the better.
The Republican party has enough money and power at its command to make sure that the truth does get to the public. Yes, the party could do it if it really wanted to. The mass media may be in the hands of Liberal Democrats, but the advertisers are, for the most part, theoretical Republicans. Since the media would collapse without the advertising dollar, the advertisers could bring pressure to bear on the media to stop propagandizing the American public and tell them the available facts. If purged of Liberals and Insiders, the Republican National Committee could publish its own newspaper and see that it got wide distribution. The Republican party could serve as a vehicle for getting the truth to the American people—but only if the enemies of the truth are purged, in the way that Conservatives have been systematically purged from high places in the party since Republican Advance was formed in 1950.
The Republican party can again be the great party it was. But to do so it must stand for principle and refuse to compromise between right and wrong. It must shun the temptation to pander to assorted voting blocs. It must show that Communism can be defeated short of warfare by simply stopping the practice of propping it up every time it falls on its face. The main issues must be American sovereignty and independence, the return to a sound dollar, and an end to something-for-nothing promising contests. The Republican Party platform must avow that those who advocate bloody revolution and criminals will be subjected to swift and just punishment. The lives and property of law-abiding citizens must once again become the primary concern of our courts. Above all, the target must be the real enemy. Communism, and the Insiders behind it.
Weaklings will whine, "Conservatives can't win." There is much evidence to the contrary, but even if it were true, men and women of morality and principle have no other choice than to stick by their guns in defense of what is right. For if the Republican party must become socialist in order to win elections, then the elections are not worth winning. By copying the enemy instead of fighting him, all chance of defeating him will be lost.
Conservatives need to develop articulate spokesmen who can use the techniques of the modern mass media to get their message to the public. The Conservative message of individual liberty is the "politics of hope," the real and only genuine solution for the problems that beset us. Most important, we must go on the offensive, calling the enemy by his right name.
The weakness of the Conservative is supposed to lie in his failure to be all things to all people. He can turn these lemons into lemonade. The public will respond favorably to a public figure who takes a stand for principle, even if they do not altogether agree with the principle. Principles transcend personalities. When the tide begins to turn, the "pragmatists" will jump on the Americanist bandwagon. As Battle Line noted in December 1969:
"It is for this very reason that conservatives should and must fight for their beliefs within the Republican Party. Pragmatists are notoriously susceptible to pressure, and in the absence of commitment to principle, this is understandable. This means that conservatives must speak out and be heard or lose their case.
Conservatives must find candidates whose convictions run deeper than merely the ability to select ghostwriters, as was the case with Goldwater. In 1964, Conservatives put all their emotional eggs into a very shallow basket. Goldwater was more interested in playing with his ham radio than in doing his homework by reading von Mises, Bastiat, or Evans. Conservatives must learn to put their faith in principles, not in personalities.
Conservatives must find candidates who will be Americans first and Republicans second; who will dare to be mavericks within their own party and not sell out principles every time the moderates wail about party unity. Most Republicans have a simple platform—get elected. Any unified GOP can only become the same thing that the unified Democrat Party has become: an unprincipled prostitute. Men of principle are against "unity" and blind loyalties. There is no person or secular institution in the world to which we owe or should feel blind loyalty. We should be for what we know is right, regardless of race, color, kin, or previous condition of misinformation.
Americans must re-adjust their political thinking; they must learn to think in terms of Council-on-Foreign-Relations versus anti-Council-on-Foreign-Relations politicians. Now is the time for all good men to forget the Party. The Republican Party is nothing more than a tool, an instrument. Intrinsically, it deserves no loyalty.
Once a Conservative has been elected, we must pay attention to what he does after the election. Many people are elected as Conservatives, only to turn Liberal. When all the effort to elect a man has been successful, the job has only begun. Grass-roots Conservatives must keep track of what their man is doing. These candidates must be tied down with a commitment to remain independent—loyal to principle, not to party. The best way, of course, is to start with an honorable man and make sure he knows the kinds of pressure he must expect once he gets into office. Candidates must understand the conspiracy, its goals, and how it operates.
The candidate must be willing to face and accept the fact that if he does an honest and honorable job he may have only one term in office. One of the major sicknesses in any legislature is that as soon as a man is elected, being re-elected becomes his prime concern. The rationalization used by many who begin their careers as Conservatives is that "losers don't legislate." Their whole object then becomes merely to win elections and stay in office, and this is accomplished by compromising until victory becomes meaningless. Typical is this statement made to Congressman John G. Schmitz when he was in the California State Senate, by a fellow State Senator:
"I'm just as conservative as you are. It's just that I realize that you've got to win. You have to go along to get along. You have to play the game. Look at me. I'm a committee chairman of the [blank] committee."
Senator Schmitz's answer was, "Yes, as long as you keep putting out liberal votes, they are going to keep you chairman of that committee."
In order to make sure that your local representatives stay on the track and don't succumb to the temptation to "play the game," every local area should have a watchdog committee to keep track of its elected representatives. No politician is going to like this, and the ones most apt to compromise are the ones who will like it the least.
The watchdog committee must have the courage (and it takes courage) to tell the representative that if he doesn't stand 100 percent for principle, he will be opposed in the next primary. This may result in the temporary election of a Democrat, but the next Republican elected to office from that district will stand 100 percent for principle because he knows what is going to happen to him if he doesn't. This is the only practical way to deal with politicians; it is the way all politicians understand.
The real Republicans must declare war on ersatz Republicans and kick the conspirators and their social-climbing flunkies out of the party. Conservatives who attempt to do this will, of course, be vilified by the press and news media. They will be accused of everything the Liberals have actually done, particularly of following a rule-or-ruin policy. But New York and its Insiders can no longer dominate the Republican party as they once did. New York is no longer the sole financial center for the nation, and the growth of the South and West has shifted political power away from the Eastern seaboard. Therefore, the Insiders cannot control the body of the Republican party; but they still control the apex. It is their control that can be and must be severed.
Conservatives must use their grass-roots control over party organizations to re-establish the Republican party as a Conservative party. Funds must be channeled to selected local Conservative candidates rather than sent to the Republican National Committee, which is always controlled by the Eastern Liberal Establishment—although almost every GOP mailing from House, Senate, and other national campaign groups emphasizes the fact that there is a difference between the Democrats and the GOP, that one party is Leftist, while the other holds to traditional Conservative principles of fiscal prudence, anti-communism, and limited government.
The fallacy in total acceptance of this Republican argument has never been better illustrated than in a recent interview with Senator John Tower of Texas, chairman of the Senate Republican Campaign Committee. Tower, a Conservative in his own right, sees his campaign post solely as a funnel through which to dispense funds to Republican candidates, regardless of their personal political views or party loyalty. Senator Tower told the New York Times Magazine in April 1970:
"I don't care whether a Republican candidate is liberal or conservative. The only thing I am interested in is whether or not they are electable—I'm in a numbers game right now, not a philosophical game."
By turning the Insiders out, real Republicans will only be doing what the Insiders have been doing to them since the birth of Republican Advance in July 1950. Even the outer wheels of this wheels-within-wheels conspiracy have gotten into the act of emasculating the party's Conservatives.
Dorothy Ray Healey, official chairman of the Southern California Communist Party, writing in the December 1964 issue of Political Affairs (the official Communist theoretical journal, in which the "party line" is laid down for the comrades), calls for the expulsion of anti-Communists from the Republican party. She states that it is perfectly legitimate for Republicans to complain of "high taxes and rising crime" as long as there is no discussion of Communism.
Although no cause and effect relationship can be proven, within months of the Communist Party's call for the expulsion of anticommunists from the Republican party, Liberal and Moderate leaders within the party began calling for the purge of all John Birch Society members from party ranks. There may have been no connection between the Communist Party directive and the actions of Republican leaders, but at the very least, they were doing exactly what the Communists wanted.
Any worthwhile movement takes courage. The easiest thing to do is to continue to drift with the tide, even when the tide is running Leftward. If you are tempted to stand for principle you will be told, "You are throwing your vote away" by refusing to support all Republican candidates. Actually, you are throwing your freedom away if you do support them all indiscriminately. The dilemma most often faced by Conservative political activists is that of being dissatisfied or disillusioned with the Republican candidate, yet knowing that the Democrat will be even worse.
If Conservatives are willing to be satisfied with the lesser of two evils, they will never have anything but evils to choose between. This is the primary way in which Liberals and opportunists have effectively disenfranchised Conservatives who stand for principle. By withholding your vote, or voting for a protest candidate, you are not throwing your vote away. You are, in fact, making it felt in the strongest possible way. You throw your vote away only when you are willing to compromise. It is time to vote for an outsider.
You will be told that you are destroying the two-party system if you stand for principle, but in fact we no longer have a two-party system, and by voting for principle you will be taking the only measure that can reestablish it. It is those who will accept a Richard Nixon because he is not quite so socialistic as a Hubert Humphrey who are in reality throwing their votes and their birthright away. If one candidate wants to go toward socialism at one hundred miles an hour and another candidate wants to go toward that same goal at only fifty miles an hour, they are both headed toward the same goal and both will eventually get there. The choice between going toward slavery faster and going more slowly is no choice at all. These are false alternatives. The real choice is between true freedom and slavery.
Political activists always make up a small percentage of the population. If Conservatives are willing to settle for a candidate who is slightly less socialistic than the Democratic candidate, then the broad masses of the American public will never be presented with the real issue of freedom versus slavery. Americans will be led to believe that the choice is merely between aspirin and some other pain killer, as they were in 1960. Many political activists are unknowingly playing games with the Insiders, using their rules. You can't win with a stacked deck. It takes courage to stand against the tide and to oppose what is morally wrong. But in your heart you know you have no other choice.
George E. Sokolsky, writing in the New York Herald Tribune of March 29, 1937, described what it was like when a tiny minority of Communists took over in Russia:
"Long before the Communist revolution transferred political power from Kerensky to Lenin, the workers had destroyed all rights and private property . . . Private property disappeared before the rights of human beings disappeared.
"What were intelligent, educated people doing? What were businessmen and bankers doing? At that moment each man was looking after himself. Some were seeking to get in under the tape. They would assist the Bolsheviks; then the Bolsheviks would let them live. Some were attempting to save a few effects . . . Others were trying one compromise after another . . . Even their newspapers ceased to print articles favorable to them, because their reporters and writers were organized in unions and they would permit only such news and views to be printed as the union ordered. . .
". . .The businessmen applauded with merriment. They would make money, they felt, no matter what kind of politician was in power. In the end they had nothing. Their property, their human rights and their lives were taken from them. . .
". . .The organized minority had focused its will on the seizure of property and government. The majority was engaged in every occupation but the defense of the rights of property and rights of man. The minority smashed the majority because only the minority knew what it wanted. The majority was destroyed because it could not believe that it had to organize to fight and live. Yes, they woke up later, but it was too late . . . Their tactical advantage was to resist every suggestion of compromise while they still possessed power, but they lost themselves in painful disputations concerning humane considerations until humanity itself was crushed. Compromise destroyed their one weapon for resistance—the army . . .
"I saw all this from July in 1917 until March 1918. I saw this process . . . I have witnessed too many poisons mixed in the melting pot of compromise; I have seen too many Pandora's boxes opened by the intriguing fingers of compromise.
"There are not two sides to some questions . . . As I write of those days in Russia I think of the seizures of property in this country . . .
"Revolutions are successful when an organized minority discovers that the majority is split, is confused, is without vigilance. Then it uses revolutionary tactics to confound and confuse the majority by side issues, by speeches on humane subjects, by beating the drums of progress and liberalism .
". . . The revolutionists and the compromisers repeat the slogans and the adages of all the centuries and of all countries. They play upon distress; they create emergencies; they ridicule fundamentals. And all sorts of people are taken in by these tricks and they bow to the golden calf of humane proposals. Only too late do they learn that this emphatic humanity is only a veneer, only a sham in the rise to power.
"The minority stand upon the shoulders of those whom they fool only as long as they need protection. When they want to come to earth they destroy the props that supported them . . ."
The American people do not yet realize that they are in the first stage of a revolution. Yet all experience with revolution shows that the seizure of private property by lawless bands before whom government stands impotent is the first major battle in the destruction of any government.
The battle lines have been drawn. The Republican party must accept as its first political premise that you never gain anything when you give up principle. (Oh, how the Liberals and Moderates hate that word "principle!") To know what is right and not to do it is the worst sort of cowardice. And if it's morally wrong it can't be politically right. Republicans must listen to St. Paul's admonition: "Follow not a multitude to do evil."