The Unseen Hand - Ralph Epperson


On November 13, 1951, Richard Nixon denounced the Truman administration in a speech in Boston. His subject was corruption in high places:

"This Administration has proved that it is utterly incapable of cleaning out the corruption which has completely eroded it, and reestablishing the confidence and faith of the people in the morality and honesty of their government employees.

"The great tragedy, however, is not that corruption exists, but that it is defended and condoned by the President and other high Administration officials. We have had corruption defended by those in high places.

"If they don't recognize or admit that corruption exists, how can we expect them to clean it up?"

To understand the events of the Watergate episode, it becomes important to understand the plans of the Conspiracy and the counter-plans of the Nixon Administration.

In January, 1964, newsmen asked Nelson Rockefeller when he had first thought about being president of the United States. He replied: "Ever since I was a kid. After all, when you think of what I had, what else was there to aspire to?"

Nelson Rockefeller was committed to the aspirations of the Conspiracy about creating the New World Order. He is quoted as saying on July 26, 1968, according to the Associated Press, that as president "he would work toward international creation of 'a new world order' based on East-West cooperation instead of conflict."

But even though Nelson Rockefeller was close to the inner circles of the Conspiracy, he was never inside those circles. It is the present author's contention that he was never scheduled to become the president of the United States, at least since the election of 1968.

That means that the Conspiracy promised Nelson the presidency but knew that it would not deliver it as promised. So there were four cross-currents at work in the years between 1964 and 1976. They were:

  1. One was to make Richard Nixon the president of the United States;
  2. The second was to remove Richard Nixon from office after his first election in 1968;
  3. The third was to promise Nelson Rockefeller the presidency in 1976; and
  4. The fourth was not to deliver what had been promised to Nelson.

The events at the Watergate building were intended to achieve three of these objectives after the first had succeeded.

But to understand Watergate, one must understand Richard Nixon and why the Conspiracy wanted him in office in 1968, only to want him out of office in 1973 and 1974.

Mr. Nixon has had an interesting career. It began in 1946 when he defeated incumbent Congressman Jerry Voorhis in California after World War II.

Congressman Voorhis was a champion of those who were fighting the Federal Reserve. He had written a book entitled Out of Debt, Out of Danger, in which he advocated the paying off of the national debt. Voorhis had also introduced legislation to repeal the Federal Reserve Act.

This behavior did not make the Congressman a favorite of the banking fraternity.

In a pamphlet he had written entitled Dollars and Sense, Congressman Voorhis stated that: " . . . the representatives of the American people in Congress should speedily proceed to transfer the ownership of the 12 central Federal Reserve banks from the private ownership of the member banks to the ownership of the nation itself."

Suddenly out of nowhere, a candidate named Richard Nixon came forward to oppose him. It has been reported that the Eastern establishment had poured huge amounts of money into Nixon's campaign.

In any event, Richard Nixon defeated Congressman Jerry Voorhis and replaced him as the Congressman from that district.

The next step in Nixon's ascendancy to the presidency occurred in 1952, when Nixon assisted Dwight Eisenhower in stealing the Republican presidential nomination from "Mr. Republican," Robert Taft. It is commonly felt that Mr. Taft would be the Republican nominee for president, and that he would be able to defeat the Democratic candidate, whoever that nominee might be. Mr. Taft was a "conservative" and true anti-communist. He had to be defeated, and the man chosen to defeat him was Dwight David Eisenhower who had been held out of the election in 1948 for this purpose.

The control of the California delegation to the Republican National Convention was the key to the selection of the presidential candidate, and it appeared that Mr. Taft would carry California. Richard Nixon along with Earl Warren, then the governor of California, worked behind the scenes to secure the votes of the delegates from California for Eisenhower.

When Eisenhower was rewarded with the nomination, he rewarded those who had assisted him in securing it for him. He selected Nixon as his Vice-President, and later named Earl Warren to the Supreme Court.

Eisenhower later betrayed Nixon in 1960, when as president he told the American people that he couldn't think of a single thing that Nixon had done to assist him in the eight years of their administration. Nixon's chances in the 1960 election against John Kennedy were significantly damaged by that single comment.

It is conceivable that that statement was intended to keep Nixon away from the presidency in 1960, because it had been promised to him in 1968, and Nixon preferred that year over the year 1960 for reasons that will be discussed later.

In spite of Eisenhower's "non-support," there are those who felt that Nixon had actually won the 1960 election and was the duly elected president of the United States, but that vote fraud in Texas and Illinois gave the election to John Kennedy. Nixon had the opportunity to once and for all expose the nearly perpetual vote fraud suspected to exist in these two states, but he refused to contest the vote count and the election was won by Kennedy.

There are some who feel that the reason Nixon did not contest the election was that he had been offered the presidency in 1968. Nixon, it is felt, quickly reasoned that, even if he had won the election of 1960 and had been re-elected in 1964, his eight-year term in office would only get him to 1968, still short of the 1976 target date of the Conspiracy that he had understood and acknowledged. (Nixon was a member of the CFR). This would also explain why he decided not to run in 1964, leaving the Republican nomination to Barry Goldwater.

In 1962, Nixon returned to politics to run for governor of California. His basic intent was, not to defeat the incumbent Governor Pat Brown, but to defeat his fellow Republican, the conservative Joe Shell. It was also Nixon's desire to keep the California delegation to the 1964 Republican convention out of the control of the conservatives led by Mr. Shell.

It is well known that Nelson Rockefeller had wanted to win the 1964 Republican presidential nomination, and it was generally agreed that the California delegation was once again the key to his nomination, just as it had been in 1952.

So if Nixon defeated Shell in the primaries, he could assist the presidential aspirations of Nelson Rockefeller. Nixon did defeat Shell in the primary, thereby insuring at least temporarily that Shell would not control the 1964 California delegation. Nixon went on to lose to Pat Brown in the general election, an election that Nixon did not care to win. Rockefeller's plans for the presidency had succeeded so far.

After he was defeated in 1962, Nixon told reporters that "you won't have me to kick around anymore," (or words to that effect), because he was leaving the political scene.

He went to New York and moved into the first floor of an expensive apartment building, (the rent was $100,000 a year), in New York. The occupant of the top floor of this building was Nelson Rockefeller, who also became his landlord, as Rockefeller owned the building. In addition, Nixon went to work for the law firm representing the Rockefeller interests and became a full partner at a salary of $200,000 a year.

It was here that Nixon basically sat out the 1964 presidential election.

It is not known if Rockefeller completely understood the 1964 "Draft Goldwater" movement among the young people of the country, especially the young in California. But it is known that this movement was indeed a concern of the Conspiracy around Rockefeller. The California Young Republicans had swept control of their state organization away from the Rockefeller supporters and were booming Senator Goldwater for the presidency in 1964.

It appeared that Rockefeller would lose the key California delegation to the 1964 convention, and because of this loss, ultimately the nomination of the Republican Party.

And this is precisely what happened. The California Young Republicans assisted the Goldwater supporters to control the California delegation, and this key delegation led the remainder of the delegations in giving the nomination to Barry Goldwater.

Rockefeller had lost his best chance at the presidency.

The next step in the ascendancy of Richard Nixon occurred in 1968 when he won the presidency of the United States. He must have felt that the timing was opportune for the 1976 target date and that he would then be in a position to assume the presidency of the World. He must have known that this all-powerful position had been offered first to Woodrow Wilson and then to Franklin Roosevelt, and that both had been unable to assume this office because of the concerns of the American people.

Nixon "selected" Spiro Agnew as his vice president in 1968. By strange coincidence, Governor Agnew had been Nelson Rockefeller's 1968 campaign manager. It is hard to presume that those who selected him did not know about his "skeleton in the closet," allegations that Agnew had taken some money from certain contractors while he was governor of Maryland. (Agnew later wrote a book entitled Go Quietly or Else, in which he vehemently denied the allegations against him. That is interesting, because, if Agnew was innocent, then he was framed. He claims that he was forced out under veiled threats to his life made to him by Alexander Haig, a member of the CFR.) The door to this "closet" was later opened, and Agnew resigned.

That poses the question: was Agnew selected because they knew that they could remove him later, either with the truth about his alleged "kickbacks" or with their knowledge that the press would convince the American people that the false allegations were true?

If the previously detailed scenario is correct, that the Conspiracy altered its plans about the 1976 target date, and that the plans were changed in 1970, then the next quote that appeared in the New York TImes makes sense. It appeared on May 21, 1971, and was written by James Reston, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. It is presumed that it was a tip-off to the supporters of the Conspiracy around the nation who read the New York Times, owned and controlled by members of the CFR, that Nixon had been told of the change in the plans and that he was going through with plans of his own. The article read, in part: "Mr. Nixon would obviously like to preside over the creation of a new world order, and believes he sees an opportunity to do so in the last twenty months of his first term." It was during the last twenty months of his first term that the details about the Watergate break-in were being formulated.

Robert Welch, founder of the John Birch Society, long an exposer of the Conspiracy, wrote the following in the October, 1971, Bulletin to all of the Society members:

"The record seems to me to indicate quite clearly that, since at least 1960, Richard Nixon has had the all-pervading ambition, and the unshakable determination, to use the presidency of the United States as a stepping stone from which to become the first ruler of the world."

Welch went on to reveal, in the same Bulletin, the precise date he anticipated that these plans would come into fruition:

"And there are many reasons to believe it is their intention to achieve this goal, and have their regime sitting on top of a subdued and enslaved world, by the first of May, 1976." (The first of May, 1976, would be the two-hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Illuminati.)

Unknown to the Society at that time, though, the Conspiracy had apparently revised its timetable, as was explained in the preceding chapter.

But, Nixon, sensing that he was to be removed from office, apparently decided that he could do this himself, and he surrounded himself with a group of individuals whom he felt he could trust, all non-members of the CFR. There were only two major exceptions, however, who were members of the CFR: Alexander Haig and Henry Kissinger. Both of these individuals had connections to the Rockefeller interests, and it is doubted that Nixon had any control over their selection for his Administration.

So on June 17, 1972, James W. McCord, (non-member of the CFR) and four Miami Cubans broke into the Watergate complex and were later arrested.

Watergate is an interesting building complex. A Parade magazine article revealed that the complex was owned by Generale Immobiliare, a giant construction company which was in turn owned by the Catholic Church. The same article further revealed that the Vatican had "major investments in such Banks as Chase Manhattan. . .and the various Rothschild banks in France."

One thing is for certain, however. The break-in into the Watergate building has made this the most well-known office complex in Washington D.C. outside of the buildings occupied by the federal government.

The Watergate break-in was perhaps the most bungled break-in in the history of crime. One author, Victor Lasky, has written: "Rarely has there been a more inane caper. Everything went wrong—as if by design. It was almost as if they had been deliberately dropping clues."

Those who have studied the break-in in any length have discovered incredible circumstances that surely indicate that the break-in was indeed intended to be discovered. Take, for instance, the following facts:

  1. One of the burglars alerted a guard by replacing the tape over the door locks after the guard had discovered and removed the first one.
  2. Even though their efforts had been discovered, the boss of the operation, G. Gordon Liddy, sent the burglars back to the Watergate.
  3. The man posted as lookout saw the police enter the building but either failed to alert the men inside or his warning was ignored."

The theory that Watergate was indeed intentionally bungled was offered in an article by Jim Hougan in Harper's magazine. The contents of that article were reviewed by Victor Lasky in Human Events. Mr. Lasky reports:

"Its basic finding is that the June, 1972, burglary. . . was not only bungled . . . but was most deliberately sabotaged . . . . What is alleged is that the Watergate caper was sabotaged by none other than James McCord, the FBI-trained employee of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency who later blew the whistle on his fellow burglars. In other words, Jim Hougan argues that McCord was actually a double agent."

That is not surprising, according to a book entitled The Rockefeller File, by Gary Allen, that claims: "The incredibly bungled Watergate break-in . . . was written and directed by Rockefeller front men."

Allen identifies the "Rockefeller front men" as Alexander Haig and Henry Kissinger, the two members of the CFR who were Nixon's advisors.

It is also interesting that there was one individual who knew nothing about the Watergate break-in when it first occurred: "As it turned out, the one person who had absolutely no advance knowledge of the Watergate break-in was Richard M. Nixon."

Another link in this incredible chain of events is an article that claims that "Deep Throat," the "mystery man" whose news leaks helped bring the Watergate scandals to a shattering climax, was identified in a new book as Richard Ober, a CIA counterintelligence agent.

It was the theory of Deborah Davis, in a book she authored, that Ober: "became a double agent in the White House for those who wanted the President of the United States to fall."

John Dean, a Nixon staff member involved with the Watergate affair, claimed that "Deep Throat" was Alexander Haig, a charge that General Haig quickly denied.

Another of the puzzling circumstances in the entire Watergate scenario was the tapes of the various conversations made between Nixon and his many advisors in the White House. These tapes were not under the control of Nixon himself as: "Voices automatically started the tape recorders spinning. Keep in mind that it was not Mr. Nixon who turned the recorders off and on."

It is interesting how the tapes came to be in the White House in the first place. "While LBJ's (Lyndon Baines Johnson's) recording system had been installed by the Army Signal Corps, the Nixon monitors were installed by the Secret Service."

Newsweek magazine of September 23, 1974, added this revealing link in the chain: "While former White House chief of staff H.R. Haldeman awaits trial for his part in Watergate, the Secret Service chief he ousted from the White House last year has landed a plum job. Robert H. Taylor, 49, who tangled with Haldeman over Nixon security procedures, is now head of the private security forces of all of the far-flung Rockefeller family enterprises."

The main question never adequately answered by those covering the Watergate story was why President Nixon never destroyed the tapes that were in his sole possession that were so indicting of his Administration. One answer, perhaps the most plausible, is: "Either Nixon did not control the tapes, or he knew there was more than one set. In a word, he did not destroy them because he could not."

Evidence for this conclusion seems persuasive. For instance, when the prosecuting judge John Sirica asked President Nixon to turn over the tapes he had in his possession, he asked for them in the following manner: "January 8, 1973 from 4:05 to 5:34 P.M. (E.O.B.) at approximately 10 minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 6 minutes and 31 seconds."

The only way the judge could ask for certain tapes, specifying just when during the tape he wanted the conversations recorded therein, was if he knew exactly what was on the tapes beforehand. That was impossible unless the judge and the prosecution had a second copy of the tapes.

There are two more rather puzzling circumstances about those tapes. One is that: ". . . no tapes contained his [Henry Kissinger's] advice, which is strange as he was Nixon's top advisor on national security." Apparently the public was being asked to believe that Kissinger never was in the Oval office so that he could be taped by the automatic taping machine talking to the president.

The second was the fact that it was: ". . . Alexander Haig who had control of the vault where the Watergate tapes were kept. Since it is perfectly clear that the subpoenas for the tapes were written by persons already possessing a detailed familiarity with their contents, it is painfully obvious that Haig had already provided them with copies of the pertinent excerpts."

In summary, then, it was Kissinger and Haig that arranged for Nixon to be removed from office. And if Spiro Agnew is right, it was Alexander Haig that forced him to resign.

"The coup d'etat that knocked President Nixon out of the White House was carefully engineered by the two agents of the House of Rockefeller.

"It is now known that Henry Kissinger was responsible for creating the Plumbers squad the group that broke into Watergate) in the first place, while . . . Alexander Haig made sure that the most incriminating evidence on the tapes was given in advance to the men investigating (Nixon).

"Together, the two men forced . . . Nixon to resign, thus paving the way to get Rockefeller into the White House—without risking an election Rocky would surely lose."

So Watergate had two purposes: One was to remove Nixon, and the other was to make Nelson Rockefeller the president of the United States.

At least these were the surface motives.

The next step became the removal of Spiro Agnew as vice president of the United States. This occurred on October 10, 1973, after the door to his "closet" was opened.

In Agnew's book, he explained that he had resigned from office following "veiled threats on his life relayed by Nixon's chief lieutenant, Alexander Haig." He claimed that Haig "desired not only to move me out, but in the course. . . to move Mr. Nixon out, too."

He concluded that Haig "knew enough about discrepancies in the Watergate tapes and that the truth about Nixon's involvement in the Watergate cover-up to be convinced that eventually the President himself must go. And Haig did not want me in line of succession."

He added that "Haig might have him murdered if he hadn't [resigned]."

The possibility that Haig might have been able to have someone kill Agnew was confirmed in 1980 when G. Gordon Liddy, a Nixon aide, admitted that he had proposed the killing of columnist Jack Anderson to the White House in 1972 and that he had waited for White House approval which never came.

So there was at least one person on the Nixon staff who would have killed had he been asked to do so.

With Agnew out as vice president, Nixon now had to appoint a successor. There was widespread concern around the nation that Nixon was going to appoint Nelson Rockefeller. Now would have been the time to make certain that Rockefeller became president, if that was the promise of the Conspiracy. But Nixon did not select Rockefeller, he chose Gerald Ford instead.

This choice was amazing if the Conspiracy had promised Nelson the presidency. The only conclusion that fits is that they did not want him to become president, and therefore told Nixon to appoint Gerald Ford, who certainly had been groomed for such a task by the Conspiracy. (Gerald Ford, it will be recalled, had attended numerous Bilderberg meetings and personally knew Prince Bernhard, the organization's early leader. It is presumed that Mr. Ford knew that a centralized conspiracy existed.)

Nixon's choice of Ford is also startling when it is remembered that the basic intent of Watergate was to remove Nixon. That meant that the Conspiracy knew that the person whom Nixon chose would later become the president of the United States. If the Conspiracy had wanted Nelson Rockefeller, this would have been the time to make its move.

Once again, the only conclusion that fits is that Nelson Rockefeller was not to become the president of the United States as he had been promised.

However, to continue the illusion that Nelson would become president. Ford chose Nelson as his vice-president when he became president after Nixon resigned.

(One interesting sidelight to the resignation of President Nixon. It will be recalled that President Nixon was suffering from a swollen leg during the time he was preparing to resign. He made the statement that, if he had gone to Bethesda Naval Hospital to have it attended, he would "never come out alive." Is it possible that Nixon knew about Senator Joseph McCarthy and Secretary of Defense James Forrestal who both went to Bethesda Naval Hospital "never to come out alive?")

The next step came when two assassination attempts were made on President Ford's life, the first by Lynette "Squeaky" Fromme on September 5, 1975, who pointed a .45 caliber pistol at Ford, and the second on September 22, 1975, when Sara Jane Moore shot at Ford. Her attempt also failed.

One of the interesting facts about the Moore shooting is that she admitted that she had intended to make Nelson Rockefeller president of the United States. She said that she tried to shoot Ford to expose the nation's "phony system of government." She claimed that: "Ford is a nebbish . . . . It was the office of the presidency I was trying to attack. Killing Ford would have shaken a lot of people up. More importantly, it would have elevated Nelson Rockefeller to the presidency, and then people would see who the actual leaders of the country are."

Miss Moore consented to an interview in the June, 1976, Playboy magazine wherein she hinted that there was a conspiracy involved in her attempt on President Ford's life. Excerpts from the interview reveal this point:

"Moore: "I had done something very valuable for them (the FBI) in the fall of 1974. I will intrigue you a little with this: That was the point at which the seed of what finally happened on September 22, 1975, was planted. That was the one time when my political beliefs, what I wanted to have happen, coincided with something that the Bureau and the Secret Service wanted."

Playboy: "You have intrigued us. What was it?"

Moore: "Maybe sometime I'll tell you about it. Not now."

Later on in the interview, she partially amplified her remarks:

Playboy: "At what point did you decide, 'Aha, now I've got a gun, I'm going to use it on Ford?'"

Moore: "That is the part that I don't think I can talk about. I just haven't figured out a way to talk about it and protect everyone. I'm not saying that anyone helped me plan it. I'm not just saying that there are other things—which means there are other people, though not in terms of a conspiracy. There are areas I'm not willing to talk about for a lot of reasons."

The writer of the introduction to the Playboy interview mentioned another strange circumstance about this case: "Adding to the air of mystery surrounding her case is the fact that U.S. District Judge Samuel Conti. . . sealed all the trial evidence."

Is it possible that there were rogue members of the Conspiracy that wanted Nelson Rockefeller to become the president of the United States and that they wanted Gerald Ford out of the line of succession?

So it appears that the Conspiracy accomplished its four goals:

  1. Richard Nixon became the President of the United States;
  2. Richard Nixon was removed from office;
  3. Nelson Rockefeller was apparently promised the presidency; and
  4. The Conspiracy didn't deliver the presidency as promised.

The overall goal of a dictatorship in the United States sometime between 1985 and 1989 still remains to be fulfilled.