Rockefeller Internationalist - Emanuel Josephson |
" . . . the munificence of Mr. John D. Rockefeller cannot be
understood unless these foundations are recognized as parts
of a well ordered whole, in the planning of which his (Gates')
thought, his imagination and his powers of
vigorous and persuasive utterance were dominating factors.
As he himself once said, the objects
for which the several Boards were set up represented not an
accidental succession of ideas but
one logically developed scheme . . ."
— Trevor Arnett,
President of the General Education Board,
stated in his introductory letter to its 1928 report
The object of the Rockefeller Foundation was to carry out in the international field the basic objective of the General Education Board, enslavement of mankind to serve the purpose of the Rockefeller Empire, and to enshroud Rockefeller with a toga of "philanthropy". There was also the more ambitious objective of further luring the United States and other nations into the international field to serve Rockefeller interests. This was clearly stated at a later date by the Foundation's President Vincent, as follows:
"The aim always kept in mind is not to assume governmental or social functions, but to show that certain things can be done successfully, and then as soon as may be, to turn these over to the community."
Nevins points out the need for the new charter:
"The General Education Board was restricted by charter to the United States; this new organization should have the world as its field . . The basic terms of the charter sought for the Foundation were:
"To promote the well-being of mankind throughout the world."
A bill chartering the Rockefeller Foundation was introduced in Congress and was reported favorably from the Senate Committee on March 10, 1910. The nation, which had not yet been as extensively "educated", or indoctrinated, by the Rockefeller interests, still possessed sufficient native intelligence to discern the skulduggery that might be expected of their "philanthropy". Immediately a storm of protest broke out among intelligent, discerning folks. The only defenders of the bill were from among the Marxist elements, the Nation and the Survey. The bill was sidetracked.
A man whose generosity is spurned generally pockets his funds, and walks off,—unless that generosity has an ulterior purpose. Rockefeller's "philanthropy" obviously had an ulterior purpose, and that purpose obviously was extremely important for the one and only real interest of his life, his profits. For in the following year a powerful lobby was sent by him to Washington to force through Congress, at any cost, the charter for his "philanthropy", the Foundation.
Nevins, his biographer, tries to explain away the persistent quest for a Federal charter on the ground that it would be "stronger, safer and more dignified than a state charter". But this is quite specious, because eventually Rockefeller was forced to be content with a New York State charter. For the U.S. Senate in 1913 blocked the charter though it was much amended and restricted, after it had passed the House, in spite of what some Western newspaper called "the most powerful lobby ever seen in Washington."
The New York State charter was put through the legislature for the Rockefellers by Senator Robert F. Wagner, their agent whom they had arranged to have elected by Tammany. This charter, in contrast with the one that the Rockefellers had been willing to accept from Congress, was unlimited in scope and provided a considerably higher capitalization.
The attacks made upon the Foundation on the floor of the U.S. Senate were peculiarly prophetic. It was predicted that the Rockefellers proposed to use the Foundation to seduce public opinion, to lobby and influence politics, to subvert American institutions, to evade the income tax which they were seeking to impose on the nation, to evade regulation by the government and to use the nation to further their private interests in complete disregard of national interests.
Launched in an atmosphere of suspicion and under fire of criticism, the Foundation adopted an attitude of caution and courting of public opinion at the beginning. The Rockefeller Foundation patiently waited for more than a decade and a half before openly engaging in the totalitarian conspiracy which Gates and Rockefeller acknowledged at the start, in Occasional Letter No. 1 of the GEB, as the true purpose of all Rockefeller "philanthropies".
At the start, the Rockefellers put their best foot forward and stressed the "bleeding heart" activities of their Foundation, especially those that exposed to public gaze their pretended touching concern for the health of the "peasant," euphemistically and prophetically labelled "The Forgotten Man" by their associate, Walter Hines Page, whom they made wartime ambassador to England. Their first endeavors were the establishment of the International Health Commission and the China Medical Board.
The International Health Commission was designed to disarm public resentment against the Rockefellers and their Foundation, both at home and abroad. It undertook to agitate the problem of hookworm infestations of man and to high-pressure public health officers to launch spectacular campaigns, at the expense of the taxpayers, to purge the victim public for their health and the glory of Rockefeller. How effective it proved in establishing contacts with governmental officials in many lands for the Rockefeller interests is revealed by Dr. Victor Heiser, one of their agents, in An American Doctor's Odyssey. Later the range of Foundation activities was extended to medical research of the varieties described in connection with the Rockefeller Institute.
The China Medical Board activities added to the pose of interest in "The Forgotten Man", the sanctimonious aroma of missionary activity. It helped to redeem Rockefeller with the clergy and the churches, and to stop their attacks on him. But why did the Rockefeller Foundation specifically select China rather than India or other regions for their activities? The choice was a crafty one. It was dictated, as have been most of the activities of the Rockefeller "philanthropies", by either their immediate commercial or oil interests, or by their avowed totalitarian conspiracy, which is, in effect, their long-term commercial policy.
The China Medical Board was an important factor in the expansion and penetration of the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests in China and in the expansion of the Rockefeller Empire. The ruthlessness and the high profits involved in the split-penny market for "Oil for the Lamps of China" is related by Vera Teasdale, the wife of a Standard Oil official, in her book bearing that title. The Rockefeller interests more directly involved were the Vacuum Oil Co. (now the Socony Vacuum) and the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey. The China Medical Board activities paved the way, together with a Standard Oil loan of fifteen million dollars, in 1914, for a partnership with the Chinese Government and the lease to Rockefeller's Standard Oil of mineral rights in Shensi and Chi Li provinces for a period of seventy-five years. These and other leases were the causus belli in the Japanese invasion of China. They were important factors in the train of events that led to Pearl Harbor, that cost the U.S. so heavily and profited the Rockefeller Empire so much.
In many quarters of the world, the Rockefeller Empire met with initial success in these Foundation and State Department spearheaded drives for commercial conquest and control of the oil and other resources of the world. In due time, however, they met with setbacks or were actually ousted by governments with which they had made deals or set up monopolies. The reason for these reverses varied in different locales. In some instances it was the utter ruthlessness of Rockefeller Imperialism. In others, it was resentment of local interests at being superseded, or of other world powers at being shut out. In line with the traditional Rockefeller "principle"—"if you can not lick your enemy, join him until you have a chance to stab him in the back"—temporary compromises were made frequently.
But the inevitable ultimate consequences of setbacks of the Rockefeller Empire in its march for world conquest, masked as a philanthropic crusade, were wars. Wars have been the outstanding Rockefeller "philanthropies". And wars have been the most profitable for them. To these wars they contributed nothing but incitement. For the oil and other material they supplied, they were paid well. Invariably they profited hugely from the waging of the wars. They invariably emerged as the real victors. No matter which powers waged the Rockefeller Crusades, the Rockefeller Empire emerged with all the spoils. The most consistent banner bearer in the Rockefeller Crusades has been the government of the U.S.A., which they have converted into a minor bureau of their Empire. Americans have been "privileged" to shed their blood and dissipate their wealth in the oily Rockefeller Crusades.
To make possible these conquests by the Rockefeller Empire it was necessary, as indicated by Gates in his Occasional Letter No. 1, not merely to thought control the American people, whom they seek to reduce to the level of serfs and peasants, as was being done most efficiently by the General Education Board, but also to secure their submission and regimentation, by carrying out the essential features of the program that already had been launched by Bismarck, under the guise of "social science".
In 1914, Rockefeller had a demonstration close to home of the utter lack of docility of the American "peasant", in the violent strike of the workers of his Colorado Fuel and Iron Co. and in the refusal of the people to "yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands". The chairman of the board of the C.F.I. Co. was L.M. Bowers, a relative of Rockefeller's almoner, Reverend Gates, who wrote the above phrase as a statement of the purpose of Rockefeller's "philanthropies"; and was guided by that author of Rockefeller "benevolence" in his actions.
What happened in this case is a true guide to what the world might expect in the future of the "charity" of the Rockefeller clan. The employees of the C.F.I. Co. worked under conditions that Nevins, official Rockefeller family biographer, acknowledges were miserable. They were forced to revolt, or strike, in order to survive. Their union bosses asked for improvement of working conditions, increased pay and union recognition, and a "closed shop". The union involved was the now all-powerful United Mine Workers.
Rockefeller owned 40 percent of the C.F.I. Co. stock, dominated the Company and was acknowledged leader of the local industry. He refused to recognize the dissatisfaction of the workers with his "philanthropy", or their other grievances. Rockefeller's "philanthropy" to these workers is strikingly stated by George P. West in his report of the strike, made for the U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations:
" . . . two entire counties of Southern Colorado for years have been deprived of popular government, while large groups of their citizens have been stripped of their liberties, robbed of portions of their earnings, subjected to ruthless persecution and abuse, and reduced to a state of economic and political serfdom."
This pattern of Rockefeller "benevolence" should be borne in mind. For though its appearance has changed in the course of years, and the agency through which it is administered has now become the Government and the unions, both dummies, its basic spirit and substance still remain the same. The entire nation now is being accorded the same treatment. It is the avowed goal of all Rockefeller enterprises, both the frankly commercial and the sham "philanthropic".
It should also be borne in mind that it is the fixed policy of the Rockefeller Empire never to yield its ultimate objective permanently, however frequently it may swerve or compromise it temporarily. The basic policy of Rockefeller "philanthropy" and enterprise, dictatorship and serfdom, are put into practice from the start, everywhere the Rockefeller Empire extends its dominion, in all lands where it is feasible.
Occasional Paper No. 1 failed to reveal the treatment that was planned for the "peasants" who would not "yield themselves to our molding hands". The Colorado Fuel & Iron Co. affair furnished the answer. The Rockefeller interests hired armed guards to drive the workers from their Company-owned homes. When they continued their resistance to Rockefeller's "molding hands" and resorted to the usual, stupid pattern of strike violence, the militia was called out to protect Rockefeller's property. It was at this point that Rockefeller's "philanthropic" method of treatment of the "peasants" who would not yield to his "molding hands", was starkly demonstrated for all the world to see and admire.
The story is best told in the words of Rockefeller's official, family-appointed biographer, Professor Allan Nevins, as follows:
"On April 21, 1914, the country was shocked to learn that the previous day a conflict had broken out between militia and striking coalminers at Ludlow, Colo.; that the workers had been routed with six men killed; and that when the guardsmen had fired the tents sheltering the strikers' families, two women and eleven children lying in pits underneath had been suffocated . . . For days afterward little battles raged through the coal-mining areas of the state . . . it became clear that a virtual civil war was under way."
Forty-four men, women and children were "philanthropically" burned to death in this incident. Rockefeller's sickening "philanthropy" won out. The strike was lost, though later Rockefeller was forced, by aroused public sentiment, to make grudging concession to the miners. In retrospect, however, the price paid by the miners was small as compared with the pathetic costs to the nation of later "philanthropies" of the Rockefeller Empire, in World Wars I and II, the Korean "police action" and other events.
The same story was repeated in the case of the Rockefeller-controlled American Agricultural Chemical Co. of Roosevelt, New Jersey. The Foundation held half a million dollars worth of the securities of this company, and A. Barton Hepburn was interlocking director with the Foundation. The men were paid so little, an investigation revealed, that they could not afford to feed their families. The strike was violent and many men were shot down, again demonstrating the modus operandi of the Rockefeller-Gates brand of "philanthropy."
Public outrage, government investigation and threats of action pointed to urgent need of "philanthropic" camouflage. With this objective, the Rockefeller Foundation was used as a cover for instituting a program of "research" into industrial relations that was to pave the way for Rockefeller control of the labor unions and their bosses. The man selected to head this enterprise, W. L. Mackenzie King, had been trained in the "social sciences" and thought-controlled at universities subsidized by the General Education Board,—Toronto, Chicago and Harvard. He had proved that he had learned the meaning and value of "compromise" in the "liberal" sense so dear to Bismarck and Rockefeller, in his activities as Minister of Labor in Canada, and in his authorship of the New York Industrial Disputes Act of 1907. The real objective of the task to which he was assigned was to take the curse off the Rockefeller name in connection with C.F.I. Co. affairs, to rub balm on the workers' wounds and soothe them into the "compromise" that would delude and "mold" them into acceptance of the "social security" pattern that would prepare the way for "docile" serfdom and dictatorship.
In the course of the investigation it was revealed that the Foundation itself held $2,000,000 worth of securities of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Co. at the time of the strike, as well as securities of other companies by which workers were treated with murder and brutality when they undertook to strike for a living wage and improved working conditions.
Public resentment and fury against these shocking demonstrations of the Rockefeller program "to promote the well-being of mankind throughout the world", forced abandonment temporarily, in 1917, of the plan to use the Foundation to effect a regimentation of labor along lines desired by Rockefeller, published under his name in a booklet entitled The Colorado Plan, and once again published in an elaborated form under the title, The Personal Relation in Industry. Nevins reports:
"Public suspicion and hostility developed; his program was made the subject of inquiry by the United States Commission on Industrial Relations under Frank P. Walsh; and so much public criticism arose that in 1917 the project was dropped. The Walsh investigation put a damper on foundation activities in the social sciences for some years."
But the Rockefellers never give up the fight for their ultimate objective and profit. Though they pretended to abandon their plan for regimentation of labor, they were merely biding their time and planning a more crafty approach to their goal. Little suspicion was aroused when, in the following year, Rockefeller "philanthropically" established the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial dedicated to Mrs. John D. Sr. Its initially announced purpose was the support of charities or "welfare" organizations, of public health, of religious organizations and the championing of Negro causes, a course which it pursued for a period of four years.
When the Rockefeller interests entered into an entente with Communist Russia, Ivy L. Lee was assigned to create a favorable public attitude toward Russia and Communism, and began to set up Communist front organizations with Rockefeller funds. The Memorial was converted suddenly, under the leadership of Beardsley Ruml, to a continuation of the labor activities that had been started by John D. Jr. and Mackenzie King only to be abandoned to appease public resentment; and to the support of a host of Marxist, Communist and subversive causes. The details will be given in connection with an account of the Memorial. These activities were continued by the Memorial until 1928, when the General Education Board that had bred Ruml and his radical program, was merged into the Rockefeller Foundation.
With the 1928 merger, the Rockefeller Foundation entered, for the first time, into the world-wide "international" totalitarian activities, which, according to the report of the General Education Board that has been quoted, was the primary and unitary purpose of all Rockefeller "philanthropies"—"parts of a well ordered whole".
The Rockefeller Foundation, together with the other foundations of import of which it seized control, became the spearhead of a world-wide drive for totalitarianism. Its vaunted "internationalism" implied a drive to crush competition and rival powers; world conquest by both indoctrination and force; and the ultimate welding of the world, thus conquered, into a united totalitarian world, "One World"—a Rockefeller World. For that, the United Nations organization was established as a forum and debating society, to give it the semblance of a representative organization, a "democracy", as they call it with their systematic, semantic perversion of language.
Following the 1928 merger, the Rockefeller Foundation's schedule was extended to include, in addition to medical sciences, natural sciences, the "social sciences" and the humanities. Work in the field of "education" at graduate levels and "research" was taken over from the General Education Board which was eventually to be terminated as having accomplished its task. All of the subversive "social science" activities designed to bring about "a new social order" by a revolution, preferrably by stealth and perversion, initiated by Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial, were assumed by the Foundation. Any pretense of charity, that is so repulsive to the Rockefeller mentality, was sloughed off, and abandoned.
The members of the Rockefeller Foundation in the year of the merger were the following:
The Chairman of the Finance Committee was, as always until 1950, a member of the Rockefeller family—at the beginning John D. Rockefeller Jr., and later, his brother-in-law, Winthrop Aldrich. In this manner they retained personal control of the securities and funds, and of the uses to which they were put, without paying taxes on them.
In the following decades the political complexion of the Board shifted to the left, with the inclusion of representatives and advocates of the Marxist "social sciences". At all times it has presaged or reflected the current political scene. Rockefeller kinsman, John Foster Dulles, became a member of the Foundation in the early 1930's and immediately emerged on the public scene as Rockefeller's agent dominating the State Department, the churches and the foundations. Lewis W. Douglas likewise became Ambassador to England after doing his stint on the Foundation Board; as did Walter S. Gifford, former president of the American Telegraph and Telephone Co. John J. McCloy graduated from membership in the Rockefeller Foundation to the position of High Commissioner of Germany, Robert A. Lovett, to the post of Secretary of Defense and Dean Rusk, to Assistant Secretary of State. In December, 1951 Rusk returned to Rockefeller employ as head of the Rockefeller Foundation.
The studied plan of domination of other philanthropies is indicated by the presence on the Board of the Rockefeller Foundation of Julius Rosenwald, founder of the extreme left-wing Rosenwald Foundation that devoted the bulk of its funds to Communist activities under the directorship of Edwin R. Embree, who was former secretary of the Rockefeller Foundation; of Anson Phelps Stokes, who established the foundation of the same name, that devoted its activities almost exclusively to agitation among the Negroes; and Henry Allen Moe, director of the crimson Guggenheim Foundation. The manner in which the control of all important foundations was attained through interlocking trustees, directors and grants will be presented later.
In the field of medicine, its "window dressing", the record of the Rockefeller Foundation is much like that of the Institute. It has done a bit of good by granting aid to research workers in institutions, who had made discoveries that already had been confirmed and that generally had a high commercial value. Such was the case of the grant to Dr. Florey for studies on increasing the yield of penicillin. But usually it was work that could have been done and would have been done without its assistance which was merely a convenience.
The principal activities of the Foundation have been in the fields of the "social sciences" and the humanities. In accord with the basic "principle" of the Rockefeller "philanthropies", no cause has ever been sponsored, subsidized or supported that does not foster totalitarianism, by preference, the Marxist brand. Support has been given by it lavishly to all of the "made in Germany" Marxist "social sciences". The plan was to establish centers of propaganda, labeled "research centers", in every land of consequence that would permit. The 1932 report of the Foundation states:
"The Rockefeller Foundation continued to support in 1932 the program in the social sciences which has been under way for several years.
"Four clearly defined types of activity feature the general program in the social sciences: (1) the support of inclusive advisory and planning bodies; (2) the provision of training and research fellowships; (3) the maintenance of grants in aid and small projects; and (4) the development of institutional centers of advanced training and research."
The organization chosen by the Foundation as its top planning body is:— The Social Science Research Council that "has operated in the held of social sciences since 1923, with three officials representatives from each of seven scientific societies."
Needless to state all the societies and their representatives are Marxist, ranging through the entire gamut of Red. By 1947 the Rockefeller Foundation had granted it a total of $6,361,500 and its subsidiary, the Carnegie Corporation, $1,023,500. Eleven controlled foundations extended it grants. It is the chief agency of all the large foundations in the social service field.
Characteristic of the grants made by Rockefeller's Social Science Research Council is that made in 1946 to John Victor Murra, an instructor in anthropology at the University of Chicago and protege of Professor Redfield, who will be mentioned later. Murra was denied citizenship by a U.S. District Court judge on the basis of introduced evidence on his subversive activities on the University campus and of additional data provided by the U.S. Army Intelligence. It is this organization that was subsidized by the Rockefeller Foundation to prepare and supervise the New Deal "planned economy" for the nation. It provided the brand of training and research fellowship that the conspirators desired.
The grants-in-aid made by the Rockefeller Foundation give some insight into the range and breadth of their support of the Marxist "social sciences". They include:
Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, a monument of Marxist and Communist propaganda, that was heavily subsidized by the Rockefellers from its start in 1927. They contributed to it $150,000 in 1932, and $102,410.13 in the following year.
On the topic of institutional centers, the 1932 report states the following:
"In the United States four institutions are regarded as major centers: Brookings Institution . . . Columbia University . . . Harvard University . . . the University of Chicago.
"Sections of the country not directly represented by these institutions are being assisted . . . University of North Carolina . . . University of Virginia . . . University of Texas . . . Stanford University . . . McGill University.
"In addition there are seven institutional centers in Europe . . . London School of Economics and Social Sciences .. . Institute of Social and Political Sciences, Heidelberg University, Germany . . . Institute of Economics and History, Copenhagen, Denmark . . . University of Stockholm, Sweden . . . Rumanian Institute of Social Science, Bucharest . . . International Institute of Public Law, Paris, France_University of Oslo, Norway, Institute of Economics . . . American University of Beirut, Syria . . . and two in Asia . . . Yenching University, Peiping, China . . . Nankai University, Tientsin, China, Institute of Economics.
"Of these the London School of Economics and Political Science is considered the most highly developed."
Thus did the Rockefellers take over Bismarck's plan of promulgation of Marxism around the world on a far grander scale than he could have conceived possible. The Rockefeller interests regard the London School of Economics and Political Science as the most important from the viewpoint of their designs on the British Empire. Those most fraught with grief for the U.S. and the world at large, were Yenching and Nankai Universities, that were more effective in paving the way for the Communizing of China and the consequences that have flowed there from it, than was the Soviet's Sun Yat Sen (Chinese) University at Moscow.
It is in the field of international relations that the activities of the Rockefeller Foundation have yielded the Rockefeller Empire the most outstanding successes in advancing the conspiracy, and the greatest profits. The leading institutions which it supported or subsidized in this field were the following:
In the field of community organization and planning, which was so valuable to the Rockefeller interests in gaining control of local municipal and state governments, the Rockefellers scattered grants about the world where they would serve their purposes best. Their key organizations are the Institute of Public Administration and a group of organizations that were financed by the Spelman Fund, that will be described.
Among the organizations receiving unclassified social science grants were the following:
In the field of the "Humanities", the Rockefellers subsidized their totalitarian propaganda on the pretense of fostering learning. Their chief agency in this direction is the American Council of Learned Societies, which will be described later in connection with the use of its Rockefeller Foundation grants for the translating under the guise of "learning", the Soviet publications that embody the latest Communist Party "line", for the convenience of American Communists. One of its subsidiaries received a large grant for the purpose of planting Communist agents and pro-Communists in the Government in all sections affecting the Far East and Chinese affairs.
Since the close of World War II several new wrinkles have been added to the activities of the Rockefeller Foundation. It has gone beyond the point of merely propagandizing the Rockefeller brand of Communism. In a grant of $110,000 made to Cornell University in 1948 for the "Study of the relation of civil rights to the control of subversive activities in the United States," it has undertaken to rise openly to the defense of its subversive agents and to harass those who seek to expose them. In the same year it made a grant to the notorious Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, for the purpose of fostering Marxism and its brand of totalitarianism in the churches. The Foundation is also contributing to the support of Rockefeller's United Nations. Under the guise of "humanities", the Foundation has undertaken to support left-wing penetration of the theatre, radio and television.
The principal function of the Rockefeller Foundation in the past decade has been furthering intensively the interests of the Rockefeller Empire:
But for emphasis, it must be repeated that the bitter irony of this ghastly foundation situation is that under the tax laws virtually all their funds, that are being used to injure public interests, are withheld from the public treasury by exemption features of tax laws the malefactors have written.