Rockefeller Internationalist - Emanuel Josephson




Meet The Rockefellers

The Rockefeller Myth has been so cunningly elaborated and embellished by their host of publicists and propagandists, that it takes research to get at the true evaluation and understanding of the character of the members of this omnipotent clan, whose whims and schemes have meant so much to the world in the past, and are certain to be even more fateful in the future. Crafty schemer, John D. Sr., bred in his son and grandsons the dominant traits of his own character, including those bred in himself by unscrupulous "Doc" William Rockefeller. He accomplished it by a mode of upbringing that has become traditional in the family.

This training is aptly illustrated by an anecdote related to the author by a mutual friend about Winthrop Rockefeller: In the early 1940's, when, women wore the hobble skirts dictated by fashion, this friend was walking along Fifth Avenue in New York City with her boy friend. Winthrop, who is six feet and two inches tall, was taking inordinately long strides. She found it impossible to keep up with him no matter how fast she hobbled. In desperation, she turned and pleaded with him to slow down. In all seriousness, he replied, "My grandfather and father have taught us to take long strides, because it saves shoe leather". And he strode on at the same pace.

Concerning Nelson there is told a story that is said to illustrate his innate craftiness. The proprietor of a candy store that the children patronized showed his Christmas spirit by offering the children a handful of candy. When Nelson was told he could have his handful of candy, he wagged his head and refused. On the following day, the tale relates, Nelson returned with his father. Once again the proprietor offered Nelson a handful of candy, and again he refused. But this time he talked up and said:

"Let father take it. He has bigger hands."

The active principals of the Rockefeller Empire are "Emperor" John Davison Jr., and the five "Princes": John Davison 3rd, Nelson Aldrich, Laurance Spelman, Winthrop and David. Each of them has played a definite and significant role in Rockefeller Imperial affairs; and all of them work together in harmony and close union. There is one curious and striking characteristic in the activities of all of them. They all assiduously and ostentatiously dissociate their names from the enterprises that they most completely control, the Standard Oil companies. The last of them to hold a Standard Oil directorship, Winthrop, director of Socony Vacuum Oil Co., resigned on July 1, 1951. It is common knowledge, however, that they control these companies and dominate all their major activities through nominees and agents, in much the same manner as did John D. Sr. after his pretended "retirement". John D. Winkler, in his John D.—A Portrait In Oil, relates that at the age of 90 years he kept:

" . . . in very very close touch with events in Wall Street that are likely to affect his holdings. Through his son he has retained stock interest in some fifteen companies of the old Standard group and is always a considerable subscriber . . . to new stock issues. He has several personal representatives at 26 Broadway and always commends them warmly when profits are netted from transactions entered into upon their advice. He has never retired and never will retire in a definitive sense.

"He follows world events in which he is interested with great care. But the newspapers really tell him very little. He himself could publish the most interesting newspaper in the world! And each day he'd have a flock of beats.

"For while the papers are speculating upon the health of a great diplomat or the possible overthrow of a foreign government, he has already been informed of latest developments through direct wires leading from Pocantico Hills to Standard Oil offices and, indirectly, to the remote places of the earth. There are over a hundred telephones at Pocantico, forty of them local, suburban and long distance lines.

" . . . He has never lost interest in finance. During the period we are describing he was very keenly interested in various deals of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. Through representatives he advised the transaction by which the New Jersey Standard cut its capital cost by retiring $200,000,000 of preferred stock and floating a new issue of $120,000,000 in debenture bonds. His information about this and other matters that interest him is invariably accurate."

This is the Rockefeller tradition; and they are not a clan that deviate from familial tradition, as their biographer, Joe Alex Morris, stated in his blurb on them in the Saturday Evening Post.

On the other hand, they make an equally insistent and ostentatious display of officership in their so- called "philanthropies", in the autobiographies which they submit to Who's Who and in other reference books. It smacks excessively of " . .. thou dost protest too strongly."

John Davison Rockefeller Jr. was born in Cleveland, on January 24, 1874, the first son of four children. He received his early education in four schools, one of which, the Browning School, was established by his father for the specific purpose of providing him with a school in which he could rub shoulders with other children of his own age. He learned to fiddle and take his place in the family orchestra; and he earned his pocket money by pulling weeds from the lawn of the Forest Hill family estate at a cent for each fifteen weeds and by chopping wood at fifteen cents an hour. At the age of nineteen, he entered Brown University, a Baptist institution that was in keeping with the spirit of his religious training, with several of his friends. At college, John D. Jr. showed no great brilliance, but managed to get by. A member of the Alpha Delta Phi, he was junior class president; and he managed the football team in his senior year with such frugality (he made the players carry their own luggage on train trips) that it showed a profit. He received his A.B. degree in 1897; and his M.A. in 1914.

In October, 1897, John D. Jr. joined the staff of the Standard Oil Co. There he learned accounting and business methods, under the tutelage of Rev. Frederick T. Gates, then his father's investment manager who also handled "philanthropies" as investments. For more than a year he was vice president and director of the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey. On his own, he was "taken" in a swindle by David Lamar, to the tune of almost a million dollars. In this respect he merely matched the experience of his father, who had been "taken" repeatedly by other swindlers, in such deals as the West Superior Iron & Steel Co., the Everett Land Co., the San Miguel Consolidated Mines, the Puget Sound Pulp & Paper Co., the Everett & Monte Cristo Railroad and others into which he had been led by faith in friends and co-religionists, when too busy to give such matters his personal attention.

With Gates, John D. Jr. managed the family investments in Brooklyn Union Gas Co., Consolidated Gas Co., National City Bank, American Linseed Co., Lake Superior Consolidated Iron Mines Co. which controlled Mesabi, the New York Central, Santa Fe, and Lackawanna railroads, the Gould group, including the Missouri Pacific and the Missouri, Kansas & Texas railroads, and the Colorado Fuel & Iron Co.; on the boards of the last three John D. Jr. and Gates served as directors. Of the last, Gates made his nephew president.

It was in connection with the Colorado Fuel & Iron Co. strike in 1914, that John D. Jr. learned at first hand the disadvantage of being publicly identified with the Rockefeller enterprises. These experiences are undoubtedly the basis of the family practise of hiding their control of industrial enterprises and parading their "philanthropic" fronts at every opportunity; and no doubt their publicity men and public-relations counsellors have confirmed them in this practise. For both John D. Sr. and Jr. were grilled in connection with the investigation by Congress of the massacre of strikers at Ludlow, Colorado, by agents of the Colorado Fuel & Iron Co. And it took all the efforts of the newly engaged Ivy Lee and W. L. Mackenzie King to "regild the lily", the Rockefeller repute. John D. Jr. even was compelled to resort to the device of lending his name to a volume entitled The Colorado Industrial Plan. Whether it was ghosted or was a product of his own pen is not a matter of record; but Mackenzie King's ideas stand out in the text. This was the beginning of Rockefeller's fostering of labor unionism as a device for regimentation of the "peasants" and monopoly of industry through monopoly of labor; and of subsidy of "social sciences", which placed the Rockefeller interests in the position of panderer to the prostituted intellects, the professors, who serve as handmaidens to the labor union leaders and lead their activities into channels desired by their sponsor. This is an essential feature of Rockefellerism. John D. Ill is continuing this tradition as director of Industrial Relations Counsellors Inc. which is subsidized by the Foundation.

John D. Jr. resigned virtually all his frank business directorates at about this time, with the exceptions of his directorates in the Merchants Fire Insurance Co. and the Washington Assurance Co. Currently he lists himself in the biographies which he furnishes Who's Who, as President of the Board of Rockefeller Institute For Medical Research, which position he has recently turned over to his son David, and as Chairman of General Education Board and of Rockefeller Foundation. However noble these sound, they make it quite clear that he thereby assumes full personal responsibility for the nefarious activities of these organizations which are here disclosed. In the Directory of Directors, he is also listed as director of the New York Life Insurance Co.

John D. Jr. emerged as the "power behind the throne" in Standard Oil Co. in connection with the prosecution of the Teapot Dome case, when he testified in favor of Col. Stewart, president of the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana; and subsequently, when he ousted Stewart for withholding and diverting funds rightly due to the stockholders of the Company, that had been exposed incidentally. He did so with a righteous show of indignation that was hardly impressive in view of the huge pension with which Col. Stewart was rewarded.

John D. Jr. married Abby Greene Aldrich, daughter of Senator Nelson W. Aldrich, of Rhode Island, Republican leader of the Senate, in 1901. Nevins, in his biography reports:

"Thereafter, John D. Rockefeller Jr., saw a great deal of the circle of elder statesmen close to Aldrich, notably Senators Platt, of Connecticut, Spooner, of Wisconsin, and Allison, of Iowa . . . "

The couple had one daughter, Abby, who married David M. Milton and subsequently divorced him to marry her psychoanalyst, Dr. Irving II. Pardee (who did not long survive the nuptials); and five sons. In one basic manner, John D. Jr. deviated from the pattern laid down by his father,—a distaste for fundamentalist religion which had done so much to aid in his father's advancement. It is open to question whether greater influence in this direction was exercised by his mentors at Brown University or by Reverend Frederick Taylor Gates, his father's "man of business" who, though detesting much of religion, had made it serve him nobly as a stepping-stone to personal advancement. At the time of the creation of the Rockefeller Foundation, fundamentalist ministers had noted John D. Jr.'s advocacy of a "new" and "liberal" theology that decried sectarianism as pragmatically unsound and veered toward Marxism and "higher criticism". John Roach Stratton accused him of seeking to standardize education and religion through the rationalization of the German school.

In an address before the Protestant Council of New York City on January 31, 1945, John D. Jr. revealed, however, that his aims in respect to religion were much more far reaching. In this address, which has been published for distribution by the Council under the title of The Christian Church, What Of Its Future?, he suggests its transformation into the "Church of the Living God", and eliminating or subordinating "ordinance, ritual, creed, all non-essential". In the fostering of Marxism in the churches through such agencies as the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, by the Rockefeller Foundation, there emerges the idea that the real intent and purpose is the destruction of religion as the modern world knows it and its replacement by ancient concepts of religion in which the "Living God" is the ruler of the State,—in the Roman sense of "Rex, Imperator et Deus" and in the sense that Stalin is the god of the religion of Communism. Can it be that this is one of the objectives of the Rockefeller Empire?

John D. Jr.'s Sunday School classes, nevertheless brought rich returns in publicity, favorable sentiment and seduction of public opinion. The mask of religiosity, combined with the sham of pseudo-philanthropy, was invaluable in blinding the public to the true nature of the activities of the Rockefeller interests, which are here related. He held close and purposeful control, both direct and indirect, over the activities of the "philanthropies" and over the frankly commercial and political activities of the Empire. His was a missionary zeal to force others to accept the brand of salvation that he had to offer and to mold them and affairs generally according to his designs and purposes, that derived in part from his training, in part from the unbounded zeal that is characteristic of his clan, and in part from the influence of Reverend Frederick Taylor Gates, at whose side he worked.

Nothing conceivably could have gained the support of their "philanthropies" without his instigation, approval and consent, no matter how much there was maintained the appearance of independence of his agents. The allegation that John D. Jr. has no responsibility for all the activities of the Rockefeller Empire is as absurd as the spider's disavowal of responsibility for the fate of the fly that he ate, and its allegation that it merely wove the web, which the fly entered of its own free will.

His remarriage, to Mrs. Martha Baird Allen, widow of a Brown University classmate, on August 15, 1951, should put at rest any rumors of his lack of competence, energy or alertness. There can be little doubt that John D. Rockefeller Jr. has been for many years the most powerful man in the world and the purposeful dictator of its fate, in so far as it can be humanly or inhumanly dictated.

It is for this reason that such views as those expressed by Elizabeth Dilling in her Red Network and The Roosevelt Record and Its Background that John D. Rockefeller Jr. is a "sap" who was lured into support of the Communist League for Industrial Democracy agency, the National Advisory Council on Radio Education, and other Red agencies, are so completely unwarranted and absurd. This will be made more apparent in the account of the high purposefulness the support of Communist activities had in the program of the Standard Oil companies and of the Rockefeller Empire. It will become obvious that these activities, however malevolent and subversive, manifest a high order of cunning, ruthless diplomatic skill and exceptional grasp and brilliance, and an ability to penetrate shallow thinking and shibboleths that are so dear to the masses and the demagogues who sway them, to discern deeper and ultimate meanings.

This is undoubtedly the real significance of the Rockefeller support and subsidy of labor organization. John D. Jr., supported by his father and Reverend Frederick Taylor Gates, fought the Colorado Fuel and Iron union strike vigorously and bitterly. Following the shooting of a score of miners and their women and children by the company's armed guards and the militia, and a number of government investigations, John D. Jr. about-faced. He awoke to the value of regimentation of the "peasants" under amenable leaders, the value of "homogenizing" mankind, about which he now appears as enthusiastic as homogenizing milk. Indeed the "homogenizing" of the heterogeneous mass of mankind in Asia, with their endless varieties of religions, customs, superstitions and languages may be one of the purposes of the Rockefeller Empire in turning over Asia to the Communists; and on a lesser scale the F.E.P.C. in the U.S. has as its objective the "homogenizing" of black and white "peasants".

Two books on union regimentation of workers have been published under John D. Rockefeller Jr.'s name, one of them. The Colorado Plan, devoted to the company-union plan proposed for the Colorado Fuel & Iron Co. The Rockefeller interests have not overlooked and have made good use of the monopoly of labor that is afforded to unions, to effect monopolies of industry that would be recognized as illegal if they had been effected by a monopoly of machinery.

Labor unions have proved to be a powerful weapon for the Rockefeller Empire in extending its world conquest; and subsidized unioneers are always in the forefront of the emissaries that they send out into newly conquered territories. With Marxism as a Shibboleth, they are rapidly accomplishing a world-wide subjugation of the "peasantry". This has earned for wily John D. Jr. a reputation for "liberalism". It is more appropriately labelled "Rockefellerism".

Since the balance of this book is devoted to a detailed consideration of the activities of the Rockefeller Empire as directed by John D. Jr., this brief introduction will suffice.

John D. Rockefeller III

John D. Rockefeller 3rd, the eldest son, was born in 1906. He received his preparatory education at Browning School, which as has been noted, was established by his grandfather for the specific purpose of the education of his father. Subsequently he attended the Loomis School. He received a B.S. degree from Princeton U. in 1929. There he was exposed to the subversive influence with which the Rockefeller "educational philanthropies" plague our school system. This exposure was intensified by his serving during his student days as assistant in the information section of the Rockefeller-sponsored and subsidized League of Nations at Geneva, under the tutelage of his father's agent, Raymond Blaine Fosdick, secretary of the League. It was further intensified by his serving as junior secretary at the 1929 conference in Kyoto, Japan, of his family's wholly subversive agency, the Institute of Pacific Relations.

On his return from a trip around the world, John D. 3rd immediately assumed the "philanthropic", "social uplift" pose that had become a family tradition. It was broken by only a few commercial directorates in firms wholly owned or controlled by his family, including directorships in the Dunbar National Bank of Harlem (that was active in connection with the numbers racket and other practices among the Negroes), Rockefeller Center Inc., Underel Holding Corp. (real-estate holding companies) and Rockefeller Bros. Inc. He makes no public mention of his posts as director of the New York Life Insurance Co. and Chairman of the Paper Industry Board. In his latest biographic note he lists the following "philanthropies":

  • Colonial Williamsburg, Chairman of the Board
  • Rockefeller Brothers Fund, President
  • General Education Board, Trustee
  • Rockefeller Foundation, Trustee
  • American Museum of Natural History, Trustee
  • Princeton University, Trustee
  • Tarrytown Hospital, Director
  • China Medical Board, Trustee
  • Industrial Relations Counsellors Inc., Trustee
  • International Education Board, Trustee
  • American Youth Hostels, President and Director
  • International House, Trustee
  • Spelman Fund, Trustee
  • Riverside Church, Trustee
  • United China Relief Inc., Director
  • British War Relief Society, Member of the Board

It is significant that International House and American Youth Hostels have been under fire for the aiding or sponsoring of questionable or subversive groups. The Institute of International Education like the other Rockefeller "educational philanthropies", has been identified with actual Communist espionage activities in the person of its Director, the late Laurence Duggan, former State Department officer associated with Alger Hiss and charged with being a member of a Communist cell in the Department.

Like so many of the personnel of the Rockefeller-sponsored and subsidized left-wing, New Deal and other subversive organizations identified with the Rockefeller Empire, Duggan met with a sudden violent death under extremely strange and suspicious circumstances. With a hat on his head, wearing a raincoat and one rubber (the other rubber and an umbrella rested beside a chair in which he had been seated), Duggan "fell" from the sixteenth story window of his office a few days after he had been interrogated by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Despite the fact that he left no suicide note, that folk who plan to commit suicide by jumping from a window do not dress for the occasion, that people who begin to dress usually complete the act before going on to other acts, and that there was evidence of a scuffle in his office, no question was ever raised by the authorities and his death was instantly and definitively declared to be "suicide", without an investigation by the police, as if by pre-arrangement.

In his biography John D. 3rd announced that he is still a member of the family's Institute of Pacific Relations American Council, which has been pronounced to be subversive and has been exposed by Congressional investigation as being actively engaged in Communist espionage activities on behalf of the Soviets. He is also a member of the family-subsidized, and equally subversive Foreign Policy Association; and needless to say, he is a member of the Foreign Office of their Empire, the Council on Foreign Relations.

In 1932, John D. Rockefeller 3rd married Blanchette Ferry Hooker, daughter of the head of the Hooker Electrochemical Co., one of the world's largest producers of caustic soda and chlorine. Their family includes three daughters and one son. They occupy a duplex apartment at 1 Beekman Place, New York City. His office is listed at 30 Rockefeller Plaza, Rockefeller Center, New York City.

Following a two-month trip to Africa in 1948, John D. 3rd returned on November 14, so filled with enthusiasm about the commercial and industrial potentialities of that continent that it took all the efforts of his public-relations counsellor to divert his New York Times interview to the supposed interest of his journey "in connection with his work as Trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation", the health and welfare of the natives. Since then subversive agitation among the natives has risen to a new high level, fostered by such organizations as the Rockefeller-subsidized Urban League, under the stimulation of such Rockefeller pawns as Ralph J. Bunche. On January 18, 1951, John D. Rockefeller 3rd was present at a dinner given in Bunche's honor by the trustees of the Phelps Stokes Fund to signalize his receiving the 1950 Nobel Peace Prize. He lauded Bunche following a speech made by the latter in which he predicted:

". . . it will not be many years before the same kind of upheaval now appearing in Asia (Rockefeller-Soviet Axis inspired) will be witnessed in Africa."

The Times interview with John D. 3rd reverently played up in its headline "ROCKEFELLER LUGS HIS BAGGAGE HERE" (because of a longshoremen's strike). It laid little stress on his statement that he planned to go to Washington and see President Truman about providing for the development of the unlimited resources of Africa. Six weeks later, Truman announced the Point 4 program for development of the resources of the backward areas of the world, a description which aptly fits Africa, but also can be applied to many sections of the United States. The President had "heard his master's voice" and promptly required Congress to provide funds, at the American taxpayers' expense, for the development of Africa for the Rockefeller Empire. The Rockefeller Point 4 boondoggle bids fair to cost the public many times what their Marshall Plan scheme cost, as will be related. Further aspects of the program will be discussed in another chapter.

The Foreign Office of the Rockefeller Empire, the Council on Foreign Relations, was briefed on the subject of the Africa Program by John D. Rockefeller 3rd,—so important was the matter to the interests of the Empire,—in a group meeting presided over by Whitney H. Shepardson. The Point 4 program was subsequently presented by Isaiah Bowman, with Francis Adams Truslow presiding. Discreetly, the Point 4 program was represented by its authors as President Truman's Point Four Program, not as that of the Rockefellers.

On October 17, 1951, the New York Daily News carried a dispatch of the UP from Tokyo that curiously was not carried in their official organ, the Times. It announced that John D. Rockefeller 3d had arrived in Tokyo by plane, with his wife and his private secretary. His presence in Japan shortly after kinsman John Foster Dulles had rushed through his peace treaty, after arranging the dismissal of General MacArthur, has a major significance that is not yet apparent. The plant of Rockefeller's agents in Japan, the Mitsuis, is running full blast turning out merchandise for the export trade, to Red China. The Russians accelerated the reinforcement of garrisons on their Pacific islands adjacent to Japan. After MacArthur's dismissal, Japanese Communists became more active and aggressive, under the influence of Communist agents of Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations, who had been planted on MacArthur's and Ridgeway's staffs. Within a month after John D. 3d arrived in Japan, on November 12th, Communist students at Kyoto University greeted Emperor Hirohito with the Communist anthem, Internationale, and heckled him, the first such incident in Japanese history. Is the way prepared for turning over Japan to the Soviets, as per the Axis plans?

Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller

Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller was born at Bar Harbor, Maine, in 1908. He and the rest of his brothers received their preliminary education at the Lincoln School of Teachers College. The school was guided by the Marxist "liberalism" of John Dewey and his "progressive education" that spell out the libertinism and totalitarianism of the "youth" movement so dear to the heart of the Communist. The school was heavily supported by the General Education Board and was one of the strongholds of the Rockefeller brand of totalitarian indoctrination of the younger generation, a so-called "model school" from which the schools of the rest of the nation were infected. But thanks to home influences, particularly John D. Jr., the boys penetrated the moronic concepts of Marxism to a discernment of the device for attainment of power, the power pattern, that is the true essence of Marxism; and they have become adept at its use.

A short time after receiving his A.B. from Dartmouth, where he acquired a Phi Beta Kappa key and "made" the soccer team, Nelson married the daughter of a Philadelphia "mainliner", Bar Harbor neighbor, Mary Clark Todhunter. They have three sons and two daughters, including a set of twins, and occupy a triplex apartment on Fifth Avenue, New York City, but list Pocantico Hills as their home. His office is at 30 Rockefeller Plaza, New York City.

After a honeymoon trip around the world, Nelson became interlocking director of the family's Chase National Bank and its Rockefeller Center, acting director in charge of renting for the Center. The mercilessly cut-throat tactics adopted in that process, which are described in another chapter, severely depressed real estate on a national scale, very materially prolonged the depression and cost numerous "peasants" their homes and fortunes. But it subsequently enabled the Rockefellers to buy some of the most valuable properties in the country and in the world at bankruptcy figures.

In accord with the family policy of avoiding any open association with the Standard Oil companies Nelson served for a time on the directorate of the Creole Petroleum Corporation, a Standard subsidiary, which does not disclose in its name its identity with the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey. In this connection, Nelson proved that he possesses the astuteness, the agressiveness and the grasp of his Rockefeller grandfather, plus the political sense of his Aldrich grandfather. He set about winning over the peoples of the lands in which his company operates, as a matter of shrewd dollar diplomacy. He flattered Latin-American vanity by patronizing its art. He employed Diego Rivera to do a Rockefeller Center fresco, but rejected the work because it went the full length in following the Communist Party line by including a portrait of Lenin in its composition with a caricature of the Rockefeller patron. But he wooed and won over Rivera, in spite of this incident, by paying him his full contract price, $21,500, before covering up the rejected work. Nelson also placed Rivera's work in the family's Museum of Modern Art, of which he is president, and to which he contributed, "anonymously", $25,000 for the specific purpose of purchasing Latin American art.

In 1935, he traveled to Creole Petroleum's home territory, Venezuela, to inspect the museum of fine arts there. Two years later with Joseph C. Rovensky, Vice President of the Chase National Bank, under whom he had worked, he toured Venezuela and nine other South American countries on Standard Oil business, and returned with a plan for New Deal sponsorship of private U.S. investments there. In the meantime he had organized a profitable development company there in association with Edward H. Robbins, a relative of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Then in 1940, at the time of the draft, when he was 32 years old, he arranged through Harry L. Hopkins, Rockefeller almoner and New Deal plant, to have Roosevelt approve a hemispheric program drawn up by Laurance Rockefeller and two of the top agents of the Empire, Ruml and Roven- sky, for the purpose of financing its expansion in South America at the expense of the U.S. taxpayer.

The Rockefellers, though they have controlled the country for more than half a century and dictated all important nominations and appointments, were extremely cautious about emerging openly into the government. Public reaction was feared. For many years their name had been anathema to the American public, and they feared to undo the deodorization that had been effected by their phony "philanthropies". Their public relations counsellors repeatedly sent up trial balloons to test public reaction, in the form of lines in the columns of Walter Winchell, Drew Pearson and other of their columnists. In these releases the positions were reported usually as being offered to Nelson by Harry L. Hopkins, including the post of Assistant Secretary of Commerce. Finally, with their approval, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, himself a mere Rockefeller puppet, appointed Nelson Rockefeller to the post of Co-ordinator of Hemispheric Defense, that later became Administration of Inter-American Affairs.

As Co-ordinator of Inter-American Affairs, Nelson Rockefeller spent $6,000,000,000 of the taxpayers' money on what the members of Congress called "boondoggling propaganda". He distributed in South America such motion picture sensations as "Willie & The Mouse" and "Does Nature Prefer Blondes?" He sent movie stars and clowns as "good, will ambassadors" to divert the Latin-American "peasants", or insult their intelligence. He spent $600,000 to combat Nazism in the Latin American press with advertisements published in pro-Nazi newspapers that were strengthened financially thereby.

Elizabeth Bentley, in her autobiography published by Devin Adair under the title Out Of Bondage, reveals how ready Nelson Rockefeller was to take notorious Communists into his agency and play into their hands. She relates that Bob Miller, who was editor of The Hemisphere, a pro-Communist Latin-American publication, supplied the Communist spy ring with which she was connected. When, in 1941, The Hemisphere reached the end of its financial rope, the Communist apparatus advised Miller to take a job in the government in Washington. She reports that Miller naively doubted that he could get by the State Department because of his notorious record as a Communist. He did not know the extent to which the apparatus of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis had taken over the State Department. He was urged, however to apply for the position by the chiefs of the Communist spy ring, because he could be an invaluable source of espionage information. Nelson Rockefeller not only employed this notorious Communist with a long Red record, but actually made him head of the political research division from which position he could influence the policy of the Inter-American Affairs bureau, and purchased from him for the bureau the carefully expurgated files of The Hemisphere for a large sum.

The personnel of his Office was so completely Communist in its complexion that popular report had it that applicants for positions were required to hold Communist Party cards. Its propaganda was correspondingly Red. It did much to foster Communism and totalitarianism in Latin America and to breed antagonism to the U.S. of greater intensity than had ever existed, especially in Argentina and Venezuela. Its activities have served to endanger the sources upon which this country deliberately has been made dependent for strategic war materials, as evidenced by Communist uprisings in Colombia and Bolivia.

Making the U.S. dependent for its source of supply of raw materials essential for war upon foreign lands, especially Latin America, became a deliberate policy of Rockefeller's administration and of the New Deal. This dependence on foreign sources for essential material, in turn, has been used by them to force upon the nation their policy of "internationalism."

Chase National Bank is an important factor in the Patino Enterprises that turn out a grade of tin ore far inferior to that which could be produced inexpensively in the U.S. A special refinery for this impure, low grade ore, that refines it to a substandard purity, was built by the Government at the expense of many millions to the taxpayers, for operation by the Rockefeller interests with their Bolivian ore. A Rockefeller attorney, Warfield, heads the company that operates the refinery in Texas City.

The production of high grade domestic tin has been hampered and discouraged, and the nation left dependent for its tin upon the British-Dutch-Rockefeller cartel which grudgingly supplies at exorbitant prices less than the country needs.

As Walter Trohan stated the case in an article in the April 22,1949, issue of the Chicago Tribune, under the headline "South American Work Not 100% Altruism":

" . . . Nelson Rockefeller . . . outdid his grandfather, John D. Rockefeller, by giving away billions of American tax dollars, where the oil king gave away his own dimes."

But there was a deep purpose and a method in this boondoggling. During Nelson Rockefeller's administration as Co-ordinator of Hemispheric Defense, La Prensa of New York reported that Bolivia was notified that it would not receive money appropriated by Congress for its defenses until and unless it turned over to the Standard Oil interests certain oil fields. A timely decision of the Mexican Supreme Court restored to the Rockefeller Standard Oil companies two oil concessions that had been expropriated previously.

At about the same time the Standard Oil interests were indicted in Venezuela on the order of President Medina for the theft of $200,000,000 in oil by means of false registry of tanker capacity. A settlement, rumored to be $9,000,000 was made, and the indictment was quashed. Medina was then ousted and fled to New York to become a neighbor of the Rockefellers on Park Avenue. An interesting commentary is that the task of measuring the oil removed, on behalf of the Venezuelan government was a hereditary privilege of a Venezuelan family, handed down from father to son. They thereby became very affluent, while the government was looted.

Nelson Rockefeller flitted about South America attending presidential inaugurations and revolutions indiscriminately, superseding the accredited U.S. Ambassadors, assuming the role of Uncle Sam in his high silk topper, embracing a president here and a concession there, magnificently cloaking the Rockefeller Empire with the waning majesty of our United States and expanding it with the squandered funds of tax money of the looted American "peasants". He also collected decorations: the Order of Merit of Chile from President Rio, and the National Order of the Southern Cross of Brazil from its dictator, President Getulio Vargas.

In 1944, the Administration for the Co-ordination of Inter-American Affairs was merged into the State Department, and Co-ordinator Rockefeller entered by the back door the Department that has been so consistently controlled by his family's Standard Oil interests. There he became more intimately associated with the subversive, Communist, or pro-Communist and, in some cases, traitorous officers of the State Department who represented the Rockefeller Empire's Foreign Office, the Council On Foreign Relations, in the Department, including Alger Hiss, Joseph E. Johnson, Dean Acheson, William Benton (now Senator), John Carter Vincent, and Haldore Hanson among others.

As Assistant Secretary of State, Nelson Rockefeller directly participated in setting up the Rockefeller-Soviet United Nations, in the company of kinsman John Foster Dulles and their protege and agent, Alger Hiss, both of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations. As has been related, he there showed his indiscriminate totalitarian bent, a family trait, by ordering the American delegation to admit Argentina to committee posts. In doing so he offended his Soviet allies. A show was made of appeasing them by ousting Nelson and replacing him with former Ambassador to Argentina, Spruille Braden, also of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations. Braden made a show of hewing close to the Party line.

During his administration as Co-ordinator, Nelson Rockefeller had worked hard to get the American republics to promote, organize and finance industry and business. But after they had been financed by the governments he worked just as hard to force the governments out of the industries that its taxpayers had financed, to turn them over to "private interests". These, needless to say, were to be controlled by his associates. This scheme, which was the bone of contention at the Chapultepec Conference, that he helped engineer and attended with Secretary of State Edward Stettinius and Assistant Secretary Will C. Clayton, both of the Council on Foreign Relations, reveals the pattern that is intended to emerge from their "New" and "Fair" Deals at home.

Nelson Rockefeller established a pattern of use of public office for personal gain that is being ever more widely followed by public officials. When adopted by less powerful individuals it is apt to be regarded as venality. But the country is rapidly accepting a royal concept regarding Rockefellers and their agents,—"the King can do no wrong".

On leaving the State Department, Nelson Rockefeller undertook (in the words of Walter Trohan, in the Chicago Tribune of April 22, 1949) "to reap a harvest of dollars, tax free in America", from the lavish sowing of U.S. Treasury funds in Latin America. He and his brother organized the International Basic Economy Corporation, known as IBEC, for the specific purpose of exploiting the Latin American situation. It was organized with a capitalization of $8,405,000, most of it supplied by Nelson, and a staff of employees who had been groomed for their functions in the Government service and at the expense of the taxpayers.

IBEC is playing its role in the expansion of the Rockefeller Empire and its profits in South America. It has undertaken to give Latin America a "New Deal" that will be as profitable to the Rockefeller interests as that in the U.S. In Venezuela it has set up in partnership with Rockefeller-controlled oil companies, that have invested $10,000,000 in its non-voting preferred stock, a $12,380,000 Venezuela Basic Economy Corporation. It established, in cooperation with the Venezuelan government, a group of retail enterprises which, as in the case of R.H. Macy, Nelson Rockefeller favors and has found profitable. These include a food and grocery chain that was designed to give them a throttle-hold on the food supply of the country. It naturally aroused the antagonism of the established merchants, has made Rockefeller and Americans unpopular in Venezuela, and stirred powerful efforts to oust the Rockefellers and their "benevolence". Similar activities have been entered into by IBEC in Brazil, with the collaboration of dictator President Vargas, and in Ecuador, where President Plaza acts as agent of the Rockefellers.

The IBEC is being operated as an extension of the Rockefeller Foundation's pioneering activities and its profits are being surrounded with the usual Rockefeller aroma of "philanthropy". Likewise it is the spearhead of the usual Rockefeller-Soviet Axis penetration. It is following the usual pattern of their decoy activities, shifting the burden of maintenance to the taxpayers and the profits into their own purses. They established the American International Association for Economic and Social Development which, following the Communist vogue, is abbreviated to AIA. In its agricultural development it is a cooperative, New Deal Farm Security Administration program with socialized medicine, health clinics, farm credits and other devices. Arthur H. Vandenberg Jr., son of Rockefeller's former "bipartisan" leader in the Senate, is employed by the Rockefellers in their Brazilian subsidiary.

The inter-American program has been so advantageous to the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis that the Rockefellers have undertaken to extend their sham philanthropies to other sections of the world that affect their interests, at the expense of the American taxpayer. The use of their Marshall Plan, Point 4 program and Atlantic Pact for this purpose will be described presently.

On September 24, 1951, Nelson Rockefeller, as officer of the family's Museum of Modern Art, opened the People's Art Institute, a la Stalin, as a new division. The addresses at the ceremony, and the television broadcast in connection with it, clearly revealed that its purpose was that common to all Communist and totalitarian propaganda,—to bring about a degeneration of intellect, taste and judgment and to reduce public intelligence to the lowest level of depravity with the objectives of more readily gaining the submission and subjection of the "peasantry" and of holding them in subjugation.

One of the devices used, the exacting of admiration of the fumings of diseased minds as "art", is a process comparable to Petruchio's requiring Katherine to call "black", "white", in Shakespeare's Taming of the Shrew. The participants, most of them pawns and agents of the Rockefeller Empire, presented the new Institute as one of Nelson's "noble philanthropies", in spite of the fact that the money for its erection and equipment was supplied by others.

The pattern of his activities indicates that it is the objective of the Rockefellers to place Nelson Rockefeller in the White House by some means, whether direct, indirect or cataclysmic. Direct election as President is now possible with the sham "philanthropic", "benevolent" and "public-spirited" build up he has had; but it is improbable. More probable would be his nomination as Vice-Presidential candidate on one of their "bipartisan" or "omnipartisan" tickets at the side of a Presidential candidate whom they know to be tottering at the edge of the grave, or who could be disposed of by some other of the methods of purging that have become so commonplace during their New and Fair Deals. But most likely method of all, would be his appointment as Secretary of State in an Administration headed by two dying or expendable men, following whose exitus the Secretary of State might be eligible to succeed as President. Stranger things than that have transpired in Washington in the past several decades.

The confidence of the Rockefeller Empire planners in their success in duping the American public is evinced by the shows they are staging of participation of the Rockefeller wives in public position, as semi-royal consorts. Thus on September 17, 1951, according to a special dispatch to their New York Times, Mrs. Nelson Rockefeller attended a conference at the Pentagon as one of forty-four members of the Defense Administration Committee on Women in the Services, which was presided over by Imperial agents, former Secretary of Defense General George Marshall, his successor, Robert Lovett, and Assistant Secretary Anna M. Rosenberg. In the early edition of the newspaper, Mrs. Nelson Rockefeller is reported to have posed a rhetoric question on civil defense, which elicited from their puppet Secretary of the Air Force Thomas K. Finletter the familiar, anticipated, and most probably pre-arranged, answer that not enough money was being squandered on this favorite psychologic device and method of money-wasting of the conspirators.

Laurence Spelman Rockefeller

Laurance Spelman Rockefeller, who is nicknamed "Bill", was born in New York in 1910. He received his preliminary education at the "progressive" Lincoln School and then graduated from Princeton, where his special interest was philosophy. In 1934, two years after his graduation, he married Mary French, whose family were old friends. They have one son and three daughters.

In August 1933, Laurance widened the "liberal" contacts to which his "education" had exposed him by representing his family interests at the Banff Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations, as secretary. He was there in company of such characters and Rockefeller proteges as the self-proclaimed "top American Communist", who is now imprisoned for his less savory Communist activities, Frederick ' Vanderbilt Field, Benjamin H. Kizer, Harriet Moore, Kate Mitchell and Owen Lattimore, birds of a feather, all of them editors of the notorious espionage agency Amerasia, and all subsidized by Rockefeller "philanthropies".

Laurance Rockefeller holds the family seat on the New York Stock Exchange. His business interests include directorates in the Merchants Fire Assurance Corp., International Nickel Co. of Canada, Ltd., Filatures & Tissages Africans, Eastern Air Lines, International Basic Economy Corp., Chase National Bank, Rockefeller Center Inc. and Rockefeller Brothers Inc.

Winthrop Rockefeller

Winthrop Rockefeller, now thirty-eight years old, received his preliminary education at the Lincoln School, and in 1931 graduated from the Loomis School. He attended Yale University, but did not graduate, lacking interest. In the words of Mrs. John D. Rockefeller Jr., quoted by Joe Alex Morris in the Saturday Evening Post press release of theirs in the January 6, 1951 issue, his brothers used to "make Winthrop the goat all the time . . . You know very well," she is quoted as writing, "that the only way to help him is being kind to him. Abuse only makes him angry and much worse, while for love and kind treatment, he will do anything". Apparently he was regarded as a weakling and something of a black sheep; but has grown to be the strongest and biggest of them and has acquired a reputation as a Don Juan.

In February 1949, Winthrop married the divorced wife of Richard Sears Jr. of the Boston social set. Born Jievute Paulekiute, the daughter of a Lithuanian emigrant coal miner of Nobleton, Pa., she was taken with her sister, by their mother after her divorce from their father, to Chicago. There the mother obtained employment in a mattress factory. And Jievute attended high school under the name of Eva Paul, won a Miss Lithuania contest, attended Northwestern University for a year and a half, and then became a model and "bit part" actress. She married Sears in 1941, adopted the name of Barbara, mingled in Boston society, and in October 1948, divorced him. In the following February she married Winthrop, after a quarrel and a flight to Palm Beach. Their son Winthrop Jr., was born seven months later, fully matured.

Shortly after the birth of the child, rumors of estrangement were followed by a separation. "Bobo", as Barbara Paulekiute Sears Rockefeller is nicknamed, has refused to grant a divorce to Winthrop, whose name has been coupled romantically in the newspaper columns with an endless array of women. Rumor reports that one of the barriers to a divorce is the refusal by Winthrop to make adequate financial provision for his son; and that "Bobo" has said: "I want to make him suffer the way he has made me suffer." She is living with her mother and stepfather on a farm near Lowell, Indiana, with her son.

The "Cinderella marriage", in which there appears to have been some element of hurriedness and emergency, was made the best of by the Rockefeller publicity men. It was made the basis of a story for "humanizing" the Rockefellers in the eyes of the American "peasants", just as a similar use was made of the remarriage of John D. Jr. several years later. Attempt was made to use this "humanization" in connection with the political ambitions of Winthrop, as will be related below.

Winthrop was the only one of the Rockefeller boys to identify himself directly with the oil industry. He worked as a hand in the oil fields. He later served as vice president of the Socony-Vacuum Oil Co., which is not too closely identified, in name and in the public mind, with the Standard Oil Co., though it is an integral part of it. He fell in line with the family tradition of dissociating from public identification with the Standard Oil, however, by resigning his Socony Vacuum position at midyear, 1951, with sufficient attendant publicity to emphasize the act. Winthrop's active interest in oil included a participation in the drilling for oil in in the Jackson Hole Park in the Tetons that had been set up following a "philanthropic gift" of some acreage to the government by the Rockefellers, on condition that the large holdings of the local ranchers be expropriated for inclusion in the park. The records do not indicate whether the ranchers were permitted to retain rights to their oil.

Their Saturday Evening Post apologist, Joe Alex Miller, portrays Winthrop as the humanitarian of the family. He writes:

"His job is, broadly, human relations, both during office hours at Socony Vacuum and in such outside activities as the Urban League, where he has provided vigorous leadership in dealing with the social and economic problems of Negroes. Perhaps, only a psychologist could suggest whether his interest in this field stems subconsciously from the fact that his older brothers sometimes were inclined to push him around, as a child . . . until he outgrew them all."

The reason the author assigns for the interest of Winthrop in the activities of the Urban League is an erroneous one. It has become a tradition in the Rockefeller Empire that each of the princes inherit and take over one of the traditional "philanthropies" of the family as a device for maintaining the benevolent pose before certain elements. As a Baptist, one of the prominent activities of John D. the First was displaying a missionary interest in the welfare of his Negro co-religionists. Just as John D. 3rd took on the Rockefeller Foundation, Nelson A. the Museum for Modern Art and the fostering of Communist ideals in the arts, sciences and politics, Laurance the Memorial Center for Cancer, so Winthrop took on the Urban League as his special "philanthropic" pose. His father had originally developed the General Education Board from what was an organization for the education of negroes; and the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial that was set up in honor of his grandmother, was a steady contributor to both the National and the New York Urban Leagues. The League is an organization that has been active in stirring up the question of racialism and color. It has largely come under Communist influence and serves the purposes of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis, especially in the U.S. and Africa, as will be related. With Rockefeller support it has been very active in the Fair Employment Practise Act agitation that has split the Democratic Party wide open. Winthrop Rockefeller is Director of the Urban League.

In the Army, which Winthrop entered as a private, to be promoted with amazing rapidity to the rank of lieutenant colonel, he had an opportunity to display his pose of pro-Negro favoritism by refusing to discipline a Negro sergeant who refused to take orders from white, Southern superior officers; this incident has been widely publicized, especially in Negro circles and in the Saturday Evening Post propaganda referred to above.

Some of the uses to which this pro-Negro pose has been put has been recounted in connection with the Point 4 program for the development of Africa for Rockefeller's Standard Oil Co. Another significant use has escaped wide public notice—use in politics in the U.S. This is illustrated by a story carried by the New York Herald Tribune in its February 25, 1949, issue. This report reads as follows:

"DUBINSKY, WINTHROP ROCKEFELLER AND CORSI MAY BE FUSION SLATE"

"Line-Up of Republicans and Liberals Is Reported Under Discussion by Anti-O'Dwyer Forces
By Murray Snyder

"Anti-O'Dwyer forces were reported last night to be discussing a possible fusion ticket for the city election consisting of:

"For Mayor—David Dubinsky, president of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, vice- chairman of the Liberal party and a leading New Dealer.

"For Comptroller—Winthrop Rockefeller, fourth son of John D. Rockefeller Jr., leader in the Public Education Association and Urban League, an executive of Socony-Vacuum Oil Company, and a Republican.

"For Council President—Edward Corsi, State Industrial Commissioner, a Republican.

"Two leaders in the independent Republican group which is digging into the city administration's record in the effort to induce a formal investigation by the Legislature admitted hearing this ticket discussed, but denied sponsorship of it.

"Clendening Ryan, organizer of the National Clean Government Fund, who has announced that a $500,- 000 campaign fund would be made available for a fusion campaign, insisted he was backing no candidates. But he said the Dubinsky-Rockefeller-Corsi line-up 'looks like a pretty good combination.'

"Desmond Fitzgerald, chairman of the Committee of Five Million, said: 'We're not picking candidates; we're interested in producing proof of maladministration and corruption in the city.'

"The tentative fusion slate even includes a candidate for Borough President of Manhattan, a race the group believes will rival the Mayoralty, due to the fact that Tammany Leader Hugo E. Rogers is the incumbent and candidate for re-election. The fusionists have suggested Secretary of State Thomas J. Curran, Manhattan Republican leader, for the nomination.

"Mr. Ryan, an original fusioneer in the 1933 campaign and a secretary and Commissioner of Commerce under the late Mayor F.H. LaGuardia, expressed surprise last night—and some annoyance —that the discussions of a Liberal-Republican ticket had leaked out.

"Asserting that his group's primary interest was 'restoring clean government' rather than naming candidates, Mr. Ryan said that many 'good, bad and indifferent' suggestions had been made to him in the last week. Asked for his appraisal of the Dubinsky-Rockefeller-Corsi city slate, he said:

"'There's no question but that they would qualify as patriotic and able officials. Until the full picture of what has been going on under the present administration is brought out, I hope these gentlemen will keep an open mind and not turn down an opportunity to serve the city.''

"The importance of the suggested nomination of Mr. Dubinsky was twofold: (1) Mayor William O'Dwyer, having broken with the Left-Wing American Labor party, has courted the Right-Wing Liberals, who, though uncommitted, have criticized the Mayor and Tammany Hall increasingly of late; and (2) the Liberals, with Mr. Dubinsky as the moving spirit, gave more assistance to President Truman last fall than did Mayor O'Dwyer and Tammany Hall, thus making it difficult for the President to intercede in an O'Dwyer-Dubinsky contest.

"Mr. Corsi has the high regard of Governor Thomas E. Dewey, who last week voiced his full support of the projected fusion movement after a talk with Mr. Ryan and Mr. Fitzgerald. The Governor is understood to feel that Mr. Corsi could be elected Mayor. Friends of Mr. Corsi credit him with a considerable following among labor unions.

"Mr. Rockefeller, who is chairman of the board of trustees of New York University-Bellevue Medical Center, has been a leader in the Public Education Association's campaign for greater state aid for schools. His services as a director of the Urban League won him national recognition as an opponent of anti-Negro discrimination."

The Rockefeller propagandists and publicity agents are cautiously trying to ease the Rockefellers into elective public offices that will give them direct control of our government and will facilitate the plan to make them openly the nation's rulers. In each case it is sought to build them up as the proponents of some minority group or splinter fraction ; but in every case as "liberals" or Marxists of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis pattern, as proponents of "Rockefellerism". In the case of Winthrop, the special groups toward which the propaganda was slanted were the Reds, Labor and the Negroes.

In this particular instance, the scheme struck a snag for various reasons. The campaign was called off, in so far as it concerned David Dubinsky, Socialist labor unioneer (who was one of the original organizers of the Communist-dominated CIO, and a member of the Rockefeller Empire's Foreign Office, the Council on Foreign Relations), and Winthrop Rockefeller. Marxist State Industrial Commissioner Edward Corsi became the Rockefeller "tripartisan" Republican mayoralty candidate in a three-cornered campaign against two Rockefeller-dominated Democratic candidates. Judge Ferdinand Pecora and Acting Mayor Vincent Impellitteri. Corsi accused his opponents of being the candidates of a split underworld, of the Maffia, the former, according to his statement, was the candidate of Genovese, Adonis and Costello (top men in the national Crime Syndicate), and the latter that of Thomas Luchese, alias Three-Finger Brown (No. 4 man in crime in the East). All of them played stellar roles in the Senate Committee For Investigation of Crime headed by Kefauver, that for a time diverted the attention of the nation from that acme of crimes, the Korean "police action", engaged in, in the words of kinsman Dulles, "to keep the American people artificially alarmed." There does not seem to be any reason to question the accuracy of Corsi's statements. But in view of the foregoing story and Corsi's record, they might have rejoined that Corsi was the candidate of an allied gang, the Rockefeller gang. But the Rockefeller press would not have published the story.

Though Winthrop Rockefeller would have been in friendly company with any and all of these Rockefeller dominated candidates, no doubt it was deemed wiser for him not to be openly identified with the mobster complexion of the election. A number of schemes of the Rockefeller agents had misfired. It had been planned that the opposition gangster elements would be forced to run for cover by the exposure, through the wiretaps, of their tie- in with former Mayor O'Dwyer and the wholesale bribing of police officials. This has been done since, by the District Attorney, just as it had been done for them in the 1930's by their agent, District Attorney Thomas Dewey. At that time Dewey effected the conviction and jailing of "Lucky" Luciano with evidence largely fed him by his bosses, merely to release him several years later, after Dewey had risen to the position of their puppet Governor of the State of New York, largely on the basis of the reputation he had gained through that conviction. This release left Luciano free to flood this country with narcotics, as the chief agent of the drug interests producing them. This performance was to have been repeated, with the aid of the wire-tappers employed by Clendening Ryan. Incidentally, Danton Walker revealed that the same wiretappers were employed on behalf of Alger Hiss.

Clendening Ryan announced that $500,000 (of Rockefeller money) would be available for the fusion campaign of Winthrop Rockefeller. Ryan had been Commissioner of Commerce, and with David Rockefeller, was secretary to the Rockefeller puppet, Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia. He is the son of Thomas Fortune Ryan. Ryan, Anthony Brady and John D. Rockefeller were old-time buccaneer allies in New York City politics, who joined forces to gain control of the utilities of New York City and employed Bernard Baruch as their stock-market operator in their malodorous enterprises.

The scheme was inadvertently upset by me when I caught the wiretappers employed by Rockefeller's agent, Clendening Ryan, attempting to tap the wires of city officials through a phone box in the basement of my home. The stench aroused by this exposure and threats of prosecution undoubtedly were factors in impelling the calling-off of the "Fusion" move and the Winthrop Rockefeller candidacy. But Rockefeller interests lost little. As usual, all the candidates were theirs. Vincent Impellitteri, product of Sicily, the birthplace of the Mafia, appointed their agent, Beardsley Ruml, to the post of Deputy Comptroller of the City of New York, where he could write their tax bills as effectively as if Winthrop had been elected Comptroller. Winthrop, in all probability, will be candidate for some other elective office that will further the interests of the Empire, at a future date and under more auspicious circumstances.

In the meantime Winthrop has been busy expanding the interests of the Empire in South America, more especially in Brazil, in company with Arthur Vandenberg Jr. and the dictator President Getulio Vargas.

David Rockefeller

David Rockefeller was born in New York City on June 12, 1915. He received his preliminary education at John Dewey's Rockefeller-financed and Marxist, Teachers College's Red experimental school, the Lincoln School. Of all the Rockefeller offspring, David, the youngest, was most successfully indoctrinated as a Rockefeller Red. This indoctrination was reinforced at Harvard, where he received his B.S. in 1936. The process was carried even further at the Rockefeller-subsidized Marxist breeding ground, the London School of Economics, under the tutelage of the Rockefeller protege Harold Laski. And the Marxist thought-control process was finished off at Rockefeller-dominated University of Chicago, where David took a Ph.D. degree in "social sciences" in 1940.

For his U. of Chicago Ph.D. thesis, David Rockefeller wrote on the subject that is closest to the heart of all Rockefellers, thrift. The thesis Unused Resources and Economic Waste, was published by the University of Chicago Press in 1941. In the preface, he gives credit for "my greatest intellectual debt" to Professor Frank II. Knight, whose thinking and writings are sound and rational. But he also acknowledges a debt of gratitude to Professor Oskar Lange, who resigned from his professorial position at the University of Chicago to serve the Communist regime of his homeland, Poland, when the Russians took it over. The latter now is a Communist Polish representative to the United Nations, whose activities have been heavily subsidized by the Rockefellers for the writing of textbooks for use in American public schools. David represents his purpose as follows:

". . . I was interested in finding the meaning and cause of economic waste."

After some two hundred pages of "social science" abacadabra, mixed with commonsense observations, criticism of some fellow "social scientists" and their work, and the usual charts that are intended to convey a sense of mathematical exactitude and are therefore so dear to dispensers of social quackery, he arrives at the inconclusive conclusions: that for the individual and the family there is no real waste except what might be dictated by carelessness or stupidity; that for the businessman ("entrepreneur") waste is a matter of profits, and "is measured by the ratio of actual performance to the alternative performance which could be most remunerative"; and "the really crucial wastes to be considered are broad social wastes in the general economic system, which, from the standpoint of action, fall primarily in the province of governments." Social waste, he states, may be predicated on the assumption "that total welfare moves in the same direction as economic welfare and that waste is the ratio of the actual to the ideal", that might be considered on the basis of relative actual employment to "full" employment, of relative actual production to "full" production, or relative "full" employment and "ideal" distribution of income and purchasing power to that actually prevailing. It involves much evasiveness and double-talk that can be summed up in the remark: "Waste is waste, if that is what you mean."

Though giving credit for influence and advice to his professors, David Rockefeller avoids expressing conviction in the ideas of any of them. He is critically contemptuous of the economic claptrap which the family philanthropies and their allies subsidized as propaganda for influencing and "guiding" the Roosevelt and Truman administrations. Among these are Brookings Institution report, The Distribution of Wealth and Income in Relation to Economic Progress, and the National Resources Committee's report, Patterns of Resource Use. The Columbia University Commission report, entitled Economic Reconstruction, he dismisses as even more stupid and ludicrous than the rest.

From the thesis, it is obvious that the strongest influence on David's thought was the pragmatic commercial advice of his father. This is confirmed by the report in the Saturday Evening Post publicity on the influence of the father on the activities of his sons. This leads one to seek for clues in this thesis, which was obviously designed to mask thought rather than to express it, of what is in the minds of its authors. In the concluding chapter, he states:

"Social waste brings up the whole question of how far and by what means a government can or should play a positive and aggressive role designed to promote welfare."

In the discussion of this topic he points out that a "tyranny may exercise many of the same controls as a popularly sanctioned government . . . ", and then hastily drops the topic as if to avoid revealing his preference for it. Then he goes on to confirm the impression thus given in the next sentence, reading "Even if the principle of popular sovereignty is taken as axiomatic . . . ", which clearly indicates that he questions this premise, again indicating his preference for some form of tyranny. He goes on to say:

". . . there remain a variety of government forms under which, if their advocates are to be given credence, the 'good of all' is to be cherished above everything else."

His cynicism regarding popular sovereignty and democracy is quite obvious. His views coincide with those of his father's adviser, Hoffman Nickerson, and his protege, Professor Philip Mosely, who scorn the "peasants".

He then proceeds to list as distinguishable, "three systems of popular government which find support at the present time" and the measures which each would adopt to combat unemployment. The choice in his listings of both forms and remedies, suggests the rationalization of "bipartisanship" which his family have so actively advocated and effected in our government.

The "laissez faire", or free-enterprise, system that he suggests would discourage monopoly, adopt government operation or regulation of "natural monopolies," "distribute wealth" and income by a graduated income, estate or inheritance tax, grant temporary relief to the unemployed; but diminish government interference and act merely as an economic "policeman." His definition of freedom of enterprise comes as close to a description of a Marxist managed economy as does his definition of a democratic managed economy except in the rate of concentration of power and management in the hands of the rulers, and in price fixing. In practise the transition from the former to the latter has been accomplished by stealth and by gradual encroachment on the Constitution, by Rockefeller agents in government posts.

Finally the Marxist Socialist economy is represented as not in any respect differing from the other two, except in that the government would own industry and control wages more directly and distribute wealth directly instead of through taxation. It is notable that no reference is made to the alternative of a truly free economy, such as has restored prosperity in Belgium, when the other lands about her pined under a (mis)managed economy; or to the possibility of a free surplus economy in compliance with the intent of those who wrote our Constitution.

For popular consumption Dr. David Rockefeller threw in a line that could be played up by the publicity man as an illustration of "reform" and "benevolence" of the Rockefellers. That line, which appears on page 170 and was quoted by all the reviewers reads:

"The existence of monopoly offers prima facie evidence of a social evil."

There is little in the text other than reference to some crackpot "social science" dribbles to bear out the statement. Perhaps, Dr. David had the family-controlled monopoly of American Telephone and Telegraph Co. in mind when he wrote that passage. And who are we to disagree?

Following the completion of his erudite thesis and the receipt of his doctorate, David Rockefeller married Margaret McGrath of Mount Kisco, New York. They have two sons and three daughters and reside at 125 East 65 Street, New York City. He maintains an office, with his brothers, at 30 Rockefeller Plaza, and a summer home at Pocantico Hills, Westchester County, New York.

Immediately following his graduation, David Rockefeller became secretary to the Rockefeller-puppet "Fusion" (they prefer that term in local politics to "bipartisan", which they reserve for their agents on the national scene) Mayor of New York City, the violently Red and shifty Fiorello H. La Guardia. In that position David applied his vast erudition, in company with Clendening Ryan, to the task of overseeing one of the most "virtuously" corrupt and most extravagant administrations that the City of New York had ever had. It proved highly profitable to the Rockefeller interests in many directions, but literally bankrupted the City. In the La Guardia administration David's "liberalism" had ample opportunity to develop by contact with some of the most notorious Communists and fellow travellers in the land, such as Vito Marcantonio and Simon Gerson, that infested the regime.

At the outbreak of World War II, he received an appointment as Assistant Regional Director of the Office of Defense, Health and Welfare Service. Following a period of duty in the intelligence service in Africa and France, in the course of which he rose from the rank of private to captain, and became assistant military attache in Paris, he assumed the post of Vice President and Assistant Manager of the Foreign Department of the Chase National Bank. In the meantime he adopted the familiar "philanthropic" pose as trustee of various of the family "philanthropic" enterprises, including the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, the University of Chicago, the International House, the Museum of Modern Art and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. In the latter post he shared with his kinsman John Foster Dulles and other fellow members of the Council on Foreign Relations, the responsibility for the appointment of the Empire's agent, Alger Hiss, a close associate and fellow member of the Council on Foreign Relations, to the post of President of the Carnegie Endowment; and for the appointment of Hiss' top assistant in the State Department, (who had resigned when a leak of top secret information was traced to the Division of International Security Affairs) as Hiss' successor as president of the Carnegie Endowment For International Peace.

David Rockefeller is also president of Morningside Heights Inc., an organization for planning the redevelopment of that section of New York City.

David Rockefeller's next foray into public life was as Commissioner of Westchester County, acting in advisory capacity in the Council's five-year planning program. Those five-year plans are redolent of the stench of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis. He acknowledged the Communist tang of such "plans" in an interview which he gave Merrill Folsom for a special dispatch to the New York Times on October 18, 1948. He said:

"Too many planners have held a socialist philosophy and their planning has reflected that philosophy. The reputation of planners is that they are left wing. This accounts for the prejudice many persons have against planning.

"I am in this work because planning is essential to any institution that is dynamic in growth. Any intelligent person should look ahead and plan for an objective. And I believe in the (N.B. he omitted private) enterprise system, not planning for socialism."

No one acquainted with the extent of the Rockefeller holdings in Westchester and adjacent Putnam counties would suspect any Socialism about their activities there. Imperialism is the order of the day. Mention has been made of the devices that have been adopted by Rockefeller's Westchester County to reduce their taxes. Most notable is the old "robber baron" device of charging a toll for use of the roads. Each year there are fewer highways that the public can use in Westchester County without paying a toll, or several tolls. To what extent Rockefeller "planning" has accounted for this baronial pattern, would bear investigating. But there can be no question of the overshadowing influence of the Rockefellers in the counties.

It is hard to believe that the Paul Robeson incident could have occurred in Peekskill without their acquiescence. The Communist Party undertook to stage a treasonous demonstration near Peekskill in the summer of 1949, in spite of the protests of the local citizenry and veteran organizations. They invaded the county under the protection of the officials who defied the loyal citizenry, created a disturbance of the peace, and were driven out by a group of veterans. On the following Sunday, a Communist mob armed with weapons of all varieties invaded the town, with the permission, and under the protection, of local officials, that they demanded and obtained. A group of veterans and loyal citizens assembled to drive out the subversive invaders, who came to disturb the peace in organized caravans recruited from five surrounding states. The local authorities and the augmented police force defied the citizenry and fought with them to protect the invaders. Instead of arresting the latter for disturbing the peace of the community and outraging the patriotic citizenry, the police arrested loyal townsmen; and the local authorities subsequently undertook to prosecute the latter on the demand of the Communist Party and of the subversive demonstrators. In this manner the Duchy of the Rockefellers undertook to make a crime of loyalty of the citizenry. To cap the climax, when the veterans undertook to organize a patriotic counter-demonstration, their plans were sabotaged and their efforts blocked by forces so powerful that no loyal demonstration could be staged. Neighbor Rockefeller never raised voice or finger to help or come to the support of the loyal citizenry.

Among the projects that Commissioner Rockefeller told his interviewer that he had in mind were new parkways and throughways, highway improvement and airport expansion. But he stated he was more especially interested in effecting a consolidation of the villages of Tarrytown and North Tarrytown into a city, as proposed by his father, that would eliminate duplicate services. The Rockefellers are endlessly persevering in their plans, pass them down from generation to generation, until they carry them through. Some future date will undoubtedly arrive when the Rockefellers will openly emerge as Barons of Westchester.

David Rockefeller, as has been related, is an active member of their Foreign Office, the Council on Foreign Relations, where he has been associated with such distinguished gentry as Owen Lattimore, David Dubinsky, Justice Felix Frankfurter, Dean Acheson, Philip Jessup, Senator William Benton, Frederick Vanderbilt Field, Joseph E. Johnson and Alger Hiss.

There are several traits which the Rockefellers share in common, of which they boasted in their publicity release by Joe Alex Miller in the Saturday Evening Post. First they made it quite clear that their highest principle is profit. This is illustrated by the tale of John D. Jr. who though he was in theory a Prohibitionist and one of the most important forces in imposing Prohibition on the nation, was perfectly satisfied to lease his property to speakeasies and to extend to them the protection of his authority. It is frankly related that:

"Their attitude toward money was of importance. By training and example they were far from soft about financial affairs. On the contrary, they were keenly interested in making money and, on various occasions, have made full use of all the legitimate business advantages the Rockefellers possess to do so. And one of the boys, while at college, distressed his mother by remarking that he was deliberately training himself to be cold and calculating in order to prevent his personal feelings from influencing his judgment in financial affairs."

Their parsimony, according to the publicity matter, even exceeds that of John D. Sr.; and in whatever they do they seek "to get a sound return on their investment." They are lavish with what costs them little or nothing—words and sentiment, as quoted by a friend of theirs:

"The Rockefellers almost never give presents of much value, but they understand the value of thoughtfulness."

But they are ultra-lavish with other people's money, usually spent to serve their own interests, as is illustrated by Nelson Rockefeller's lavish squandering of public funds as Co-ordinator of Hemispheric Defense and his current demand for billions for their Point 4 program, Marshall Plan and Atlantic Pact. The situation has been aptly expressed by Walter Trohan to the effect that they outdo John D. Sr. who sparingly gave away his own dimes, whereas his descendants are lavishly dissipating other people's money and property, the wealth and patrimony of the nation, largely for their own advantage.

In all of this there emerges added proof that their so-called "philanthropies" were conceived as, and are, enormously profitable indirect investments. This is virtually conceded in the same publicity release in the statement:

"In the Rockefeller concept, however, the philanthropic principle of helping people to help themselves, of using money as a tool to make available the means of progress and self improvement, is inseparably linked to the development of sound business principles."

This "principle" has been well understood and frequently restated by all Rockefeller "philanthropic" agents; and it has been most recently restated by their agent, Beardsley Ruml, in his announcement of profits that can be derived from the diversion of tax money to research and philanthropy, as detailed elsewhere.

There also emerges from a study of the situation, an amazing picture of overshadowing fear of poverty and loss of fortune. This was clearly indicated by John D. Sr., when he acknowledged to the members of the Standard Oil luncheon club, when he was worth many billions of dollars, in 1905, that he often awoke at night in a cold sweat in fear of ruin and poverty. This pathologic driving force behind their super-Napoleonic complex emerges once again in their Saturday Evening Post publicity in a statement by one of them:

"There is an old saying: 'Shirt sleeves to shirt sleeves in three generations.' Well we have to avoid a third-generation anti-climax."

In all the publicity matter released by them there stands out a studied effort to undervalue their fortune. At every turn they mention the figures on its size that they want the public to accept. Thus in the publicity release on August 15, 1951, made by the firm of Ivy Lee & T. J. Ross in connection with John D. Rockefeller Jr.'s remarriage, it was stated by them:

"His personal fortune has been estimated at between $250,000,000 and $400,000,000."

This figure is so absurdly low that it appears probable that it is part of a long and deep laid plan to avoid the payment of inheritance taxes on the bulk of the fortune at a future date, in the case of John D. Jr. as in the case of John D. Sr. The latter's estate paid an inheritance tax on only $25,000,000, though his fortune was probably hundreds and possibly thousands of times larger.

These estimates can be arrived at in a number of ways. First, John D. Sr. acknowledged his practise to be to give away only a tithe, a tenth of his earnings. He gave away well over a billion dollars, making it apparent that his earnings were well over ten billion dollars. The capital value, from which those earnings had been derived, could scarcely be less than twice that sum, or twenty billion dollars. His estate paid inheritance taxes on approximately one tenth of one percent of that sum. Since then the fortune has grown by leaps and bounds. It has been augmented by the development of new industries, technologic developments, new conquests and inflation. It has been augmented by the dissipation of the tremendous volume of taxes levied on the nation, by their "New" and "Fair" Deals, a large part of which has flowed into their enterprises and eventually into their purses. It has been augmented by the tremendous expenditures of the nation on "Lend Lease", the Marshall Plan, the Point 4 program and numerous other schemes for looting the taxpayers of the nation and the peoples of the world, the preponderating part of which has flowed into their coffers. It has been augmented by endless wars, including World Wars I and II, and their Korean "police action". It has been augmented by the tremendous profits of their Drug Trust. It has been augmented by the virtual exemption from taxation of many of their enterprises, particularly those launched by them abroad, as in Saudi Arabia and Africa, at the expense of the American taxpayers. It has been augmented steadily by the events that have spelled pain and misery for the rest of the world.

It is probably safe to say that the extent of the Rockefeller fortune is so fabulous that it can not be expressed in terms of money. In substance their fortune represents control of the natural resources of the world, plus the control of most important developments of the future, including atomic developments, on which the American taxpayer is spending billions for them. It is safe to say that if John D. Jr.'s estate will pay an inheritance tax commensurate with that levied on others, the payment will more than wipe out our national debt. And that would be poetic justice. For the bulk of that debt has been incurred in the expansion of the Rockefeller Empire.

If the Rockefellers desire to extend a true philanthropy to the nation, let them pay and wipe out the national debt, which has been so largely incurred in the expansion of their Empire.

On December 1, 1951 the press announced that a John D. Rockefeller had been jailed. He had not undertaken to overthrow governments and enslave their citizenry. He had not looted nations of billions and impoverished whole peoples. He had committed no act of treason. Nor had he started wars that robbed mothers of their sons and wives of their husbands, and killed thousands of persons. His chief offense was lack of imagination that makes such grandoise schemes "respectable". His instincts were traditionally "correct". But he had robbed someone of a trivial sum that would scarcely be missed; and he lacked the ingenuity to pretend that it was done in the interest of his victim and for his benefit. And even more serious was his offense in being caught. His was really a grave crime and for it he will be punished by imprisonment under the law. There he will learn that crimes can be committed with impunity and honor only if the criminal controls the government.