Expose of the Knights of the Golden Circle - Member Knight




Chapter VIII.
K.G.C. Agents and Traitors Among Us

The North too confident—the Southern strength underrated—the extent of the Brotherhood at the North, and in the Border States—Kentucky's Neutrality—the "State Guard" controlled by the K.G.C.—the governor of Kentucky a Knight—the War of 1861—Justice unknown to the Traitor Fraternity—the Sword the only argument that will exact Justice—Vigilance at the North essential—the feeling at the South since the War began—Negro insurrections—Brutality of the Knights—their mode of carrying on the War— what they intend to accomplish.

I find, in passing through Northern towns and neighborhoods, that the people are entirely too confident in the strong arm of the government and their own superior wealth and numbers. They do not appear disposed to make any deductions in favor of the South, in view of its more extensive and complex strategic system; and, in many instances, when I have told them of the many destructive secret plans of the secessionists, they seemed loth to believe the statement; it appeared to them impossible that the Southern traitors should have become "so grossly depraved." It is wonderful, indeed, that the same robbers who coolly pocketed thousands of dollars of our money and appropriated it to the rebellious government, and who stole nearly three thousand stand of our arms, and sent our army and navy so far out of reach that we could not avail ourselves of their services in time of danger, should subsequently plot the destruction of our towns and cities, and the confiscation and appropriation of our property.

Whether my exposition of the thieving, murderous, destructive schemes of the Confederate rebels is believed or not, they will, before the lapse of many months, become so fully manifest, that even the most incredulous will be forced to acknowledge that what I have said is true. But I sincerely trust that the honest warnings of one who has repeatedly risked his life to obtain an actual knowledge of the treacherous designs of the avowed enemies to American freedom, may not pass unheeded. I earnestly hope that those who have the direction of affairs, as well as private individuals, will keep constantly before their minds the following facts: First. That the present deplorable condition of the country has been brought about by the continuous workings of that same diabolical clique who began a regular system of slave piracy thirty years ago. Second. That the whole course of that clique, from the first period of its history to the present day, has been one of unexampled villainy and enmity toward the Federal Government. Third That in view of the fact that they have, from the beginning, been duly conscious of the unjustifiableness of their course, the treachery of their designs, and the deficiency of their resources, they will not, cannot, place the least reliance in the use of fair and honorable means. Fourth. That the recent developments at New York, Philadelphia, and Cairo, justify us in the worst apprehensions. And finally, that it is always well, in times such as these, to be fully prepared for every contingency; that it is impossible to be too careful of ourselves, or too watchful of those who are our sworn enemies.

While in the South, I wrote several letters to the New York, Boston, and Philadelphia press, and also to the Cincinnati papers, incog., giving them timely warning of the imminent peril of those cities. Whether they were all received and published, I do not know; but certain I am that some of them were, and that, in all probability they were, to a considerable extent, the means of saving those town from destruction. I would also have written to Cairo, but that at that time I did not know who to address. I had been told, by prominent Knights, that there were many of their number in the latter place, and all through Southern Illinois. I was not, however, favored with any of their names. I was also told that there were enough in Southern Indiana to render their Confederate brethren considerable assistance. It was presumed, at one time, that, by the aid of these Hoosier and "Egyptian" Knights, the whole of Southern Indiana and Illinois could be made over to Jeff Davis. In this wild calculation they were very grandly disappointed, as everybody knows. It need not, however, be believed that there are none of the K.G.C. left in those sections, as I shall now proceed to show, from the following statistical account, which I received from the Corresponding Sec. of Jefferson Castle, Kentucky:

In New Albany there are about 25 Knights; in Madison 18; in Evansville 15; in Davies county, Ind., 10; in Sullivan county, about 30; in Spencer county, 45; in Vincennes, 14; in Washington county, 10; in Gibson county, 7; in Cairo, 111., there are, or were, a few weeks ago, 300, and from 100 to 200 in neighboring towns; so that in all there are in the neighborhood of 550 Knights yet in Southern Indiana and Illinois, unless they have lately migrated or renounced the faith. The majority of them, however, are not very dangerous just now without a leader, as they are of what is termed the "small fry."

There was one in Evansville, and also one in Princeton, Ind., who might be feared, but due notice of their characters having been given to the proper authorities of those places some time since, they have been properly attended to, and will be prevented from committing any overt act. The way in which these resident Knights will do great harm hereafter is in conveying intelligence to the friends of "Southern rights" of the movements of troops and the chances of spoil in various places, which intelligence, in the future, may prove highly important to the rebels. Some of them may also be mean enough to poison their patriotic neighbors, or do sly injury to such of the government troops as they may be convenient to.

Members of the Inner Temple of the Knights of the Golden Circle are to be scattered all through Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, and Maryland, for the purpose of harassing and injuring the friends and soldiers of the Union in every way they can. No particular programme is made out for them, but they are to do whatever they can, in any way, or by any means available. If they can use poison successfully, they will do it; if they can, by false statements, so direct the movements of the United States troops as to cause them a loss or a defeat, they will do that; if they find it convenient to burn a town or destroy a bridge, they will not be condemned by their directors for that act; if they can give the "Knights Gallant" any sure directions for the capture of prizes, etc., they will be highly rewarded and praised for that. In short, they are to make themselves generally useful. But one thing above all others, some one of them is to distinguish himself for, if he can, and that is, the assassination of the "Abolition" President.

It matters not whether Maryland and Kentucky go out of the Union or remain in it, they will be, to a very considerable extent, occupied by the worst enemies the government has. The proclamations of the Governors of such states, prohibiting the passage of Confederate troops over their territory, will have about as "much effect on the Knights as a moonbeam has on an iceberg in the North pole." They will provide ways and means for the trans-movements of Confederate soldiers without any knowledge of the matter ever reaching the Governor. There are nearly six thousand Knights in Kentucky, about three thousand in Maryland, and a great many in Delaware, and so long as the chief executives of those states do not issue proclamations ordering the disbanding of their castles, yea, and even the execution of those who continue loyal to the Order, just so long will their efforts to prevent treasonable acts be null and void.

Nor is the position of armed neutrality likely to be assumed by some of the Border States to be regarded otherwise than as the most dangerous one they could occupy, for the following conclusive reasons:

First. Among the most forward of those who enter the "State Guard" will be the members of the Inner Temple of the K.G.C. Second. Having secured the state arms, no matter how much they swear to use them only in defense of their state, they will readily and cheerfully employ them in making night forays into Northern borders, in promoting the passage of contraband goods to secessionists, in guarding and protecting our enemies in their midst, or in assisting the passage of secession troops through certain routes in their states to Northern points. There can be no doubt that they would, in many instances, render the Southern traitors more effective assistance in the capacity of neutral "State Guards" than in any other they could serve.

Through many routes lying across Western Kentucky secession forces could he conveyed, in disguised squads, to out-of-the-way places along the Illinois border above Cairo, especially when escorted by Knights in the character of "State Guards." These trans-movements could be effected under cover of the night, in utter ignorance of the Governor of Kentucky. But inasmuch as his Honor, Governor Magoffin, is said to be himself a Knight of the first magnitude, and inasmuch as his indignant refusal to comply with the demands of the Government, with many other of his recent acts, indicate strong sympathy, if not affiliation, with Jeff Davis & Co., it is not at all probable that he would exert himself to the endangering of his personal comfort to ascertain what might be going on everywhere.

Further, while an armed State Guard, largely composed of Inner Templars, would, to say the least, allow Southern soldiers to pass over to Northern borders without interruption, they would repel, with all their might, a Northern detachment that might be in pursuit of Confederate desperadoes. Now, while it is true that there are numbers of sworn enemies to the United States in the Border Slave States, it is also true that there are many warm and devoted friends to the Union in those states. But these latter will stand a very poor chance against the secessionists, from the fact that, although they are largely in the majority, they know not how to compete with the Knights in scoundrelism. In latter times, it seems that a minority of rascals is greatly superior to a majority of honest men. What villains lack in numbers and power, they more than make up in intrigue and activity. It is an historical fact that pirates can easily whip double their number of honorable soldiers. So of the K.G.C. in the Border States: they never fear of success in any of their undertakings whore they have but twice their number of Union men to oppose. I will cite a case in point:

In the town of Owensboro', Kentucky, there was a large majority of Union men up to the time of the bombardment of Sumter; but no sooner had the news of that affair reached the place than every Knight in town seized a musket, imbibed a pint or so of the secession element (whisky), and paraded up and down the streets, swearing he'd "be d___d if any man dare say Union in that locality. On the following evening they called a secession meeting, where all the "good and tried" gathered, with their guns, their pistols, their knives, and, above all, their whisky Secession speeches were made, cheers for Jeff & Co. were given, groans and curses for Lincoln and the "Abolition" government. A Union man could not find room to breathe freely. Finally, a Vigilance Committee was announced, to be composed of Messrs. So-and-So, (this committee was appointed the evening previous in castle, and was a "Knights' Safety Guard,) and the important duty of driving "Abolitionists" out of town assigned it. The meeting adjourned, the committee aforesaid imbibed afresh of the "Confederate" element, and went about the exercise of its functions with a remarkable degree of alacrity. They even hunted till midnight to find a "Union man" swearing no such individual would find the atmosphere of Owensboro' healthy; that it would do them good to "run a bayonet through an Abolitionist," etc. Where is the decent man that could withstand such a demonstration as this?

It will be seen, from the expositions of the last few pages, that the enemy of American liberty in the United States is a very wily one; that he is no ordinary enemy, and, therefore, can not be successfully dealt with by ordinary means. The armies of the Union will find the intrigue of the secessionists far more fatal than their steel. While boasting of their bravery and chivalry, they are, at the same time, the most sneaking, contemptible cowards that ever trod the earth. The Southern people were once a very noble people, truly chivalrous and brave. They were so in the days of Washington, Marion, Sumter; but their glory has vanished in later years, and their bravery is no more. Of course this remark is not meant to be applied universally. There are still brave Southrons, but they are among the few, not the many. Scarcely a single instance is on record where a Southern man, in recent years, has manifested a willingness to meet an antagonist on fair and equal footing. In nearly every modern duel or personal encounter between a Northern and a Southern man, or between a slave aristocrat and a liberal Southron, we find that the oligarchs have fought on their own plan, with a clear and decided advantage. The brutal attack on Senator Sumner by the fiendish Brooks, the cowardly murder of Senator Broderick, and many other instances of like character, fully and conclusively establish the truth of this statement.

From the very commencement of the secession movement, the disunionists have displayed little else than treachery and cowardice; and they do not hope to attain their ends by good engineering and brave fighting, but by rascality and incendiarism. This is the way they began, and it is the way they intend to finish. They have, at this time, at least a dozen spies North where we have one South; and the great difficulty is, that so many of their agents are residents among us, and have been for years; and while we are depending on them as loyal assistants, and they are making some show in that direction, they are, at the same time, playing into the hands of our enemies in the most skillful and effective manner.

Again, there are the ladies. Who knows what to do with them, or how to manage them? A woman is, at best, a rather unmanageable creature, but a secession lady is especially so. Courtesy, politeness, good breeding, demand that a woman should be kindly, respectfully treated; and the superior improvements in modern etiquette, and the extraordinary progress and developments of the crinoline age, demand that we of the masculine gender should keep at a "respectable distance" on a "short acquaintance." In view of these facts, and in consideration of the importance attached to the character of a female spy, I would suggest the propriety of appointing female vigilance committees in every town and neighborhood, to whom shall be assigned the duty of keeping an eye on their sister visitors from the sunny South, their trunks, skirts, etc. Among other things, it would be well for these female committees to see that no letters from a strange lady, directed to any point South, should go into the post-office unexamined; and this should be especially and particularly attended to where there is good reason for suspicion. The superior judgment of our Northern ladies would of course enable them to conduct their operations in a proper and becoming manner.

I know it seems rather rude, in this age of refinement, to demand a knowledge of the contents of a woman's letter, or of the character of the articles in her trunk; and, more especially, of the amount of "steel" etc., contained in her skirts. But it should be borne in mind that these are war times; that our liberties are at stake; that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty;" that those who threaten our ruin and the destruction of the country, are aiming to take every dishonest advantage of us; that no condescension is too low for them; and that, therefore, we are fully justifiable in the use of any and every means which has for its object the retardation of their nefarious schemes.

The men who have precipitated this country into civil war have never had any sense of justice, and all their pretensions in that direction are, and ever have been, false. The lofty dignity attributed to Jeff Davis is precisely the same kind of dignity manifested by his father, the devil, in the garden of Eden, when he promised our mother Eve that if she would pluck and eat of the forbidden fruit she and her progeny should be as gods. Conscience, among secessionists, is an obsolete term, if Webster has properly defined it, and, consequently, all appeals to that high moral faculty will have about as much effect in checking their villainous movements as the wind from a hand-bellows would have in retarding the course of a hurricane. When men, such as the leaders of the present rebellion, are successfully met, it must be upon their own ground, and to a very considerable extent, at least, with their own weapons.

I admire the high moral tone of the present administration, as manifested in its refusal to allow of the confiscation of the effects of the Southern traitors in Northern states. But while I admire it, and while I would hold it up as an example to the world, under all ordinary circumstances, yet I can but consider it, in the present condition of things, as not only impracticable, but as absolutely suicidal and unjust both to the government and the people of the North. While we stand up in our high moral rectitude, and refuse to touch a single cent's worth of the Southern banditti's property in our midst, they are not only levying upon and appropriating whatever of our effects may chance to be found in their states, and, thief-like, refusing to pay what they honestly owe us, but, as has been shown in preceding pages, are organizing the most effective bands of highway robbers and plunderers to depredate upon Northern soil.

Further, they have made all necessary arrangements to send among us their bogus male and female refugees, to act in concert with our own native traitors, as aids and assistants to their hellish desperadoes. So we see, and are bound to admit, that the superior moral position assumed by the government, while it is more than fair for the rebels, is positively oppressive and destructive to us. I presume the extraordinary justice shown the secessionists in this affair is to reward them for the ample service they rendered the nation some time ago, in stealing its treasury, robbing it of its arms, and poisoning such of its officials as were found susceptible. The refusal of the President to allow the Pennsylvania merchants to levy upon the property of Southrons in their state, although undoubtedly well meant, was little better, in consideration of all the facts in the case, than taking the worth of such property immediately out of their pockets. It is the absolute duty of the United States authorities, and of state authorities, to secure and appropriate every dime's worth of the property of the disunionists found north of Mason and Dixon's line; a duty in every sense of the term, morally, religiously, and pecuniarily.

Men in revolutionary times such as these, in successfully opposing an enemy such as we have to meet, must be practical, not theoretical. They must view both sides of every issue, and be able to see justice in more than one light, and as to be applied in more than one direction. A set of men who have been maturing schemes of national robbery and piracy for nearly thirty years are not to be conquered by appeals to something of which they have not the slightest knowledge—conscience. Men who can employ their women to assist in plundering our homes and despoiling our domestic happiness, are not to be affected by the mild principles of Christianity. The bayonet will penetrate them much more effectively than the moral teachings of Christ; a ten-inch columbiad will present far more weighty and convincing arguments to them than the most learned and powerful theologian in the world, and a few dollars taken from their pockets will do more to weaken their diabolical resolutions than all the appeals that could be made to their (o) sense of honor in a century.

As has already been indicated, there are yet several Knights scattered about in various places over the country, and wherever they are, they exert a greater or less influence upon those who immediately surround them. There are many traitors in the North who do not belong to the K.G.C. but they are, in most instances, the disciples of one or more who live in their neighborhood.

For instance, in Carlisle, Sullivan county. Indiana, there are from fifteen to twenty Jeff Davis subjects, who absorb the teachings and obey the mandates of a Knight of the Outer Temple, and he, with them, has repeatedly sworn that if he fights for anybody, it will be for Jeff Davis. This individual has a relative in tire Booth that he frequently visits, with whom he is in regular correspondence, and to whom he transmits the news of the condition of affairs in Southern Indiana. He often receives letters enveloped in the secession flag, but the post-master of Carlisle being as scoundrelly a traitor as himself, nothing is said of the matter. This arch-fiend, not only has his proselytes in Carlisle, but claims quire a number of followers in various places in Sullivan county.

Again, there is, in Davies county, Indiana, a clique of similar character, governed and controlled by several Knights. This combination is more powerful than the one in Sullivan, and once or twice even threatened to mob any company of U.S. volunteers that might be formed in Davies. They concluded not to do it, however, I believe. There is not the least doubt that, under the auspices of Drongoole, in Martin, and in some few parts of Pike counties, there is another traitorous gang of marauders. I am not thoroughly informed whether there are any combinations in any other localities along our Southern border, but presume there are, especially about Madison, New Albany, and Rockport. The almost universal loyal feeling which prevails in those places, will, beyond doubt, check any outward displays in favor of the enemy by the Daviesites; but it need not be presumed that "no danger," which is always the cry of the over-confident, need be apprehended from them. They may become "converted" to the Union doctrine, and join "home guards," or even enlist in the government service, especially if they can get to be officers, and still render the most effective assistance to the South.

I had it from prominent Knights, that full and complete arrangements had been made with sundry members in the North, to furnish them important dispatches in the following manner: They, the Northern members, were to remain in their respective localities, make loud professions of Union sentiments, gather all the news they could, by telegraph and otherwise, and transmit the same, through men of their own stripe, from town to town through the post offices, until it reached a border town, and here it was to be conveyed across the line, to the nearest Southern town, and mailed to the proper persons. Others, again, were to join the U.S. army, transmit dispatches in a similar manner, create false impressions respecting the movements of Southern troops, etc., and thereby draw our men into dangerous and destructive snares. Still others were to join home guards, make sufficient Union noise to prevent suspicion and, in the meantime, act as secret escorts to Southern scout directing them by the proper routes, telling them where friends were, and by what means they could best accomplish their ends.

It will be seen that in all these capacities Northern traitors could yield much assistance to the "Knights Gallant" mentioned in the programme of general movements, given in preceding pages. I also understood that similar arrangements, on a much more extensive and complicated scale, had been made in nearly all the Eastern towns and cities. It was presumed that the city of New York, alone, contained at least five hundred Knights of the Inner Temple; that among them were telegraph operators, post-office clerks, and express agents: that these were of the true and tried, and that there was not the slightest room for doubting their loyalty to the K.G.C. under all circumstances. Many of them were Southern born, and could be relied on to the last extremity. All those who were natives of the North, had been taken to some Southern town and initiated, between New Year's day and the first of March, 1861. I was told that no less than twenty-five were initiated in Baltimore on one evening, every one of whom were of New York.

The majority of those of the K.G.C. now living in Border States, especially those in Southern Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio, have been sent out from Southern castles within the last few weeks, i.e. just before and immediately after Sumter's bombardment. As I have before stated, they even tried to institute castles in the immediate Northern borders after the Sumter affair, but did not report favorably. It was apprehended that in large sections of Indiana, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and New York, no difficulty would be encountered by these Knights' spies, it being presumed that however strong the Union feeling might grow, there would still remain many, not Knights, who would warmly sympathize with the South.

I saw in Henderson, Kentucky, a New York drummer who belonged to the Inner Temple, who said that the Southern trade would tie New York city to the South in spite of any efforts on the part of the Administration to keep her loyal. This was said quite recently. We also frequently see it stated in the papers that the Southern people still believe there are many warm friends of "Southern rights" in the North; and however much it may depress the feelings of the Union loving masses, I feel it my duty to tell them that there is even yet too much foundation for this belief. In Indianapolis, Terre Haute, and other places in Indiana; in Cincinnati. Columbus, etc., Ohio; in Philadelphia and other cities in Pennsylvania; in New York and other points, New York State, and, in fact, in nearly every Northern city and town of any consequence, and in many small towns and country neighborhoods, there are numbers of secret agents in almost constant correspondence with various castles and individuals in the South. Many of these send their letters round by by-ways, to prevent their being opened. A few of them are natives, but more of them are "Southern refugees." Beside these, there are several persons who do not belong to the K.G.C. among the leading men of the North, who think more of the South than they do of the government, and in their correspondence they often tell their friends of the Slave States, that the time is rapidly coming when there will be a "great reaction" in the North. Again, there are still a few of our Northern papers that are allowed to talk treason in a sort of round-about way. All these things put together, give the friends of "Southern rights" some grounds for presuming they have considerable sympathy in the North.

The foregoing disclosures and facts indicate that there is much to do in this our great effort to retain our liberties, beside equipping and sending out armies. Those who remain at home have, if anything, the most important labor to perform. To them falls the work of watching spies from abroad and traitors at home; who, however much the more sanguine may be disposed to doubt it, are far more numerous than many have the least idea of. It has frequently been said of late, that overpowering numbers, plenty of bayonets, and the sight of efficient batteries will make Union men, as was the case in Baltimore. Men who reason deeply and have a thorough knowledge of human nature do not talk thus.

An overawing military display never did make patriots. It may scare them into submission and an outward manifestation of patriotism; but nothing save principle can make a man truly loyal. Let it be kept constantly before the minds of the people, and let it never be forgotten throughout this great revolutionary struggle, that conquered friends are far more dangerous than unconquered foes. Wherever it is presumed that a man, or any number of men has any active sympathy with the Southern traitors, such man or men should be either shipped to the rattlesnake den, or hung.

There are two or three places in Southern Indiana and Illinois that should be "cleaned out." Carlisle is one of them, and a small town in Davies county, near Washington, is another. Vigilance committees should be more active and keen eyed; night watches should be increased, well armed and kept actively at work, not only in large towns but in small ones. The Southern traitors calculate very largely on the quantities of provisions they will steal by means of the "Knights Gallant," and it is not their intention to operate on large cities, but on small towns and in country neighborhoods, in almost every one of which they will have a greater or lesser number of spies, who will be constantly working in concert with "Northern friends," in furtherance of their schemes. No neighborhood, however insignificant, should be without its regular night patrol after the war fairly commences, because it is the intention of the Knights to make this a war of extermination, and to carry it on in the most savage and destructive manner.

As I have before intimated, they do not anticipate a victory by fair means, although the paragraphs of some of their editors indicate great confidence in the superiority of their troops and the invincibleness of their cause. They do not expect to depend upon regular campaigning, but upon any and every destructive and devastative means they can employ. In castle, I have often heard Knights declare that when the war commenced they would never stop until every "Abolitionist" was killed, and all their property turned to the enrichment of the South; that any true "Southern rights" man would delight in secretly cutting their throats, burning their houses, and appropriating their property. Such sentiments as those just quoted may seem so crazy in spirit that thousands will not believe they could have been uttered by any man. Before going South, I would hardly have believed such myself. But it should be borne in mind that the Southern fire-eaters have been becoming more and more affected with the nigger mania for several years, and that their sentiments having permeated nearly the whole South, we should not expect to find the people sane on the subject of slavery. They are just about as crazy for slavery as John Brown, Sen., was against it. Hear the following, which is an abstract of a conversation with a Knight of Tennessee.

"Sir, you know we are a peculiar people; that our surroundings are peculiar; and, in the coming struggle, we shall have more than one thing to think of, and more than one thing to do. The circumstances which surround us are such as will harass and perplex us beyond description. In case of a civil war, there can be no doubt of negro insurrections, which will be terrible and appalling; we will be blockaded on every side; we will be scarce of provisions; the European world will be against us; and all these circumstances, taken together, will drive us to the committal of deeds we never would have thought of before. More than this, many of our people—in fact, nearly all of them—have, for years, been nurturing a deadly hatred against the anti-slavery men of the North. The number of niggers they have stolen and caused us to lose, the tract war against slavery, the newspaper war against slavery, the pulpit war against slavery, and the political war against slavery, have all combined to make our people hate the North, and once they get a chance at them, by a declaration of war, they will delight in just butchering them, shooting them, and burning their very houses over their heads, and destroying them in every other way they can."

So it will be seen that they honestly believe they have just causes for the committal of their desperate acts.

The people of the South are exceedingly hasty and impetuous. Their climate, their modes of life, etc., tend to render them so. In addition to these considerations, they are very largely mixed with the French and Spanish bloods, which circumstance is by no means calculated to render them less inflammable. We of the North, on the other hand, live in a cooler climate, have vastly different social and domestic institutions, are mostly from the German and English races, and, consequently, are, in disposition, a very different people, as a general thing. I know some native Southrons are among us, but I have always noticed that a Southern man in the North was by no means a Southern man in the South.

Of these facts, the Southern people are generally aware. They also know that we are a more self-reliant people than they; that we are duly conscious of our superior strength and wealth; that we are less suspicious of anything evil happening us than they are; that we are somewhat slower on the move, and that, consequently, considerable advantage will be gained over us by sudden, unexpected movements, in remote and unguarded places. Their night forays and plundering expeditions—and they anticipate many—are all to be conducted on what they term the "Marion" or "Swamp Fox" plan. A party of mounted "Knights Gallant" are to collect at some point along Mason and Dixon's line, make a descent upon a corn-growing neighborhood, surprise some old farmer, take his wagon and team, load up with corn, and strike for the river. Once there, they will convey their plunder across, in skiffs and flats, to Southern soil, where a previously posted guard, with servants, conveyances, etc., will be prepared to receive them. In the mean time, if the farmer wakes, and is about to detect them, they will set fire to some of his property, and thereby distract his attention; or, if he comes too close upon them, will shoot him, and let him go. In other instances, it will be arranged with some of the "faithful" to have the farmer and his family leave home on some particular and designated occasion, when the same operation can be carried on more conveniently.

Again, it is the intention of the K.G.C. to send large detachments of the mounted "Knights Gallant," armed with rifles, swords, and short arms, to attack and harass such weaker portions of the United States army as may be convenient to thein. This kind of fighting suits the young bloods of the South far better than any other. There is just enough of risk and romance about it to inspire them, and there is no doubt that they will vie with each other in the performance of extraordinary feats, and the achievement of grand little victories. To fully prepare them for this species of warfare, they have, for some time, been practicing race targeting. This is accomplished by first preparing a circuitous race-course, of small circumference—say a quarter of a mile—then arranging targets, to the number of six to twelve; after which the "chivalry" mount their fleet horses and ride around the ring at a rapid speed, firing with revolvers or Minies at the targets in succession. This is very grand sport for the "Knights Gallant," while, at the same time, it gives them the very best of dragoon drill.

Now, in order to meet this extensive guerrilla arrangement successfully, I would suggest the formation of similar companies, and the practice of a similar drill, in the North. We have young men just as active and as brave as any in the South, or elsewhere; we have horses, plenty of them, as good as were ever saddled; and we have the means and the will to make this kind of service equally as effective as the Southern people can. If the Government will not authorize it, let it be done on individual responsibility. It should be done; it must be done, if we intend to save our homes, our lives, and our liberties.

In looking round over the country, since I returned North, I find the means of defense, as a general thing, very inferior to what they should be. I also notice, as before intimated, that the Northern people are nowhere vigilant enough. I would, therefore, again enforce the great, the urgent necessity of stricter vigilance, and more thorough, systematic means of defense. The citizens of the Free States seem disposed to make large deductions from the probability of any aggressive measures by the South, on the supposition that the prevention of negro insurrections will occupy the "chivalry" to such an extent as to render such measures inimical to home interests. From this argument, although to one not acquainted with the Southern character it would seem very forcible, much weight is subtracted by the fact that secessionists nowhere bear the reputation of being prudent and considerate, i.e., the masses.

It is true that such men as Cobb and Floyd have displayed a little forethought in the way they prepared for the revolution; but it is a fact well known to zoologists, that almost every kind of animal, whether intelligent or automatic, knows how to provide for its own wants. It is also a fact, of which almost every one is aware, that when a hog is hungry, and can not obtain corn honorably, he will enter the crib and take it, if the door is left open. Mr. Buchanan left Uncle Sam's crib door wide open during the whole of the term he had the keeping of it, and, of course, there was every opportunity for the shoats in the public barnyard to help themselves. I see no great display of genius or "far-sightedness" in this, because thieving is an instinct belonging even to the lowest animals. The great majority of the Southern people, however, are not Cobbs, nor Floyds, nor Davises, by a long distance, either in point of talent or coolness. They are, as has been stated, a people of moderate intellectual caliber, and largely preponderating animal passions, which circumstances, in consideration of the highly exciting influences surrounding them, utterly forbids the possibility of anything like an ordinary display of wisdom. Negro insurrections they have expected from the beginning, and so far from its having had the effect to cool the secession fever, it has only increased it.

Notwithstanding the fact that they are fully convinced that they are, to say the least, the immediate cause of all their own trouble, yet, as that trouble becomes more and more aggravated, they become more and more intensified in their deadly hatred toward the Northern people. It is utterly impossible for me to describe the fierce, fiendish revengefulness I have seen depicted in their countenances while conversing with them of national affairs. This unnatural feeling toward us was not general, by any means, even in the Gulf States, until engendered there by the Knights, and, until then, was scarcely visible in the Border States. But it is everywhere now, where a castle exists; and as the civil war approaches, by their incessant efforts, night and day, they continue to spread and intensify it.

If I am asked the reason for the existence of such a state of affairs, I can only give, as my reply, what is my honest opinion: the Southern people have gone mad on the Slavery Question. The large majority of them seem to be perfectly reckless of the present, entirely regardless of the future; while there are a few of the leading revolutionary spirits, in almost every locality, who seem to think the cause of secession so holy, and the people of the South so invincible, that no power on earth, nor all the powers of the world combined, could conquer them, under any circumstances.

The foregoing considerations, together with the exciting promptings of hunger and want, consequent upon the Government blockade, render it morally certain that the work I have described as having been assigned the Knights Gallant will be done, both as a work of revenge and of necessity, even by those who have long lived by us as our neighbors and brethren on the borders, and who have not undergone that long, thorough course of training in the tactics of the Knights which their more distant secession relatives of the Cotton States have. Let it not, therefore, be presumed by the hopeful friends of freedom in the North, that "there is no danger;" but, on the other hand, let danger be fully expected, and prepared for in the most thorough manner; danger of every description, both at home and from abroad.