J. Edgar Hoover
The Case of the Strange Director

On April 25, 1973, the present writer filed at the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C. a three million dollar lawsuit for damages against the Estate of J. Edgar Hoover, the late director of the FBI. Within hours after the report of this lawsuit went out over the national wire services, L. Patrick Gray HI, Acting Director for the FBI, who had aspired to become Hoover's successor in power, hastily withdrew his name as a candidate. Already under fire for having burned stacks of documents from FBI files. Gray feared that he would be summoned to testify during the Mullins suit. He decamped from the Washington scene.

I had initially filed the suit in Superior Court in Washington, D.C., but the Court informed me that they had a limit of fifty thousand dollars on damage suits. I had to file a Praecipe dismissing my own case, and refile it in the U.S. District Court. Although I was suing the private estate of a U.S. citizen, the case was defended by Harold H. Titus, the famed U.S. prosecutor of the Watergate trials. Presiding over my suit was Judge Sirica, also of Watergate fame. I protested the involvement of the Department of Justice, filing a Memorandum to Cease and Desist, on the grounds that one party should not hire the counsel for the opposing party. I was paying for my prosecution of this action as the plaintiff and as attorney of record, but the Estate of J. Edgar Hoover, which consisted of the person of Hoover's consort, Clyde Tolson, was defended by the Department of Justice, the world's largest law firm, employing five thousand lawyers, and with 72,000 employees to back up the lawyers. The problem was that as a taxpayer, I was paying taxes to support the operations of the Department of Justice, and the Department of Justice was supplying the lawyer for my opponent.

The five thousand lawyers at the Department of Justice have a long history of incompetence when handling cases, because they are generally dominated by a small band of traitors known as "Nesher," the Hebrew word for "eagle." When Nesher called for the prosecution of some American for an alleged offense against the international Zionist movement, the Department of Justice was marvelously efficient, totally relentless, and avid in the pursuit of a conviction. However, on other cases, they have a long record of bungling, muffs and general ineptitude. This is shown by the files of my case; Counsellor Titus filed a Memorandum to the Court, noting that on November 6, 1973, defendant's counsel discovered that a motion to dismiss had never been filed, although one was prepared for filing on July 26, 1973! Counsel then requested that the motion to dismiss be considered timely filed.

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

EUSTACE C. MULLINS, Plaintiff,
vs.
ESTATE OF J. EDGAR HOOVER, Defendant.

Civil Action No. 779-73
MEMORANDUM TO THE COURT

On November 6, 1973, defendant's counsel principally assigned to defend this action checked the Clerk's Office docket entries, as well as the Court file, to ascertain whether the Court had taken any action with respect to the defendant's motion to dismiss. Upon checking the official records, it appears that a motion to dismiss had never been officially filed, although one was prepared for filing on July 26, 1973. Defendant's counsel believed the motion was filed in the regular course of business on that date, and no further action was taken by counsel pending a response and/or a disposition by the Court. Attached is a copy of defendant's motion which has been a part of defendant's file since July 26, 1973.

Defendant respectfully requests that the attached copy of the motion to dismiss be considered timely filed.

HAROLD H. TITUS, JR.
United States Attorney

Titus then retired from the Department of Justice, on grounds of nausea. Other members of the five thousand Department of Justice lawyers arrayed against me continued their defense of the case. The result was, that without any court argument or any court appearance of the defendant, U.S. District Judge Joseph Waddy dismissed the case on Dec. 10, 1973. There had been no adjudication, no hearing of any evidence in the case, and no consideration of my Constitutional rights. The decision was rendered according to the law merchant as an equity decision by a United States Judge, on behalf of the United States, as Judge Waddy mentions in his dismissal, "the opposition filed by the United States."

I had not brought suit against the United States; as a citizen of the United States I would be suing myself. The prejudice shown by Judge Waddy against me was not because he was black and I was white, although this may have played a role. The prejudice was based on the grounds that I was a middle of the road American citizen, and Judge Waddy had gone on record that he favored liberal or leftwing activists. When a number of rioters had been taken off the streets of Washington to protect American citizens and their lives and property, Judge Waddy had awarded them enormous sums of money as gifts from the government of the United States, for the inconvenience they claimed to have suffered by being detained. Judge Waddy did not wish to hear the evidence of the harassment and surveillance I and members of my family had suffered at the hands of government agents for some thirty-three years, harassment which was documented by official government reports, and which would have been submitted to the court, had I been allowed to present any evidence in this case. Prejudice prevented me from prosecuting this claim for damages, although damages were freely bestowed by this same judge on rioters who presented a clear and present danger to the people of the United States.

The stage was set for the actions which precipitated this lawsuit, when Congress created the "Department of Justice" on June 22, 1870, providing for a national justice system and a federal Attorney General. In 1908, in answer to inaudible demands from the American people for a team of "national investigators," Congress included in the Sundry Civil Appropriations Bill for 1909 the funds to establish a "Bureau of Investigation." The force behind this "demand" was a small band of Jacobins, or Masonic Canaanites, who wished to establish a national political police based upon European models. These political police were intended to implement programs designed and enacted by insidious international conspirators to enslave and rob the people of the United States. These political police were intended to punish opponents of these sinister programs.

The then Attorney General, Charles Joseph Bonaparte, a member of the family of Napoleon, warned Congress during the deliberations and testimony on this appropriation that it presented a very real danger of setting up "agents provocateurs" in the investigative branch of the Department of Justice. Bonaparte showed remarkable foresight in 1908. The Bureau of Investigation (renamed the Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1935) became a nest of agents provocateurs under the leadership of J. Edgar Hoover, whose philosophy of "fighting crime" was to ignore it, as political goals were all that mattered. His agents soon realized that they were expected to find something to investigate on the political realm, and if there was nothing in this vein, it was their mission to create it, to plan it, finance it and instigate it. The FBI became the B.A.P., the Bureau of Agents Provocateurs.

In March, 1909, the new Bureau of Investigation began its operations under Bonaparte's successor as Attorney General, George Wickersham, a wealthy Wall Street lawyer and law partner of President William Howard Taft. The Bureau was still a modest operation, with only a few agents, when a young deck attendant from the Library of Congress joined it in 1917, apparently to dodge the draft. J. Edgar Hoover had worked on the decks at the Library of Congress for some years, attending the Georgetown Law School at night. After he had completed his studies, and qualified for the bar, he had the requisite qualifications to become an agent for the Bureau. In this position, he was also classified as a "vital government employee," and was removed from the lists of young men who were being drafted into the armed forces of the United States.

At the conclusion of the First World War, J. Edgar Hoover became a flunky in the national anti-Communist crusade inspired by Attorney General Harry Daugherty, and implemented by the Chief of the Bureau of Investigation, William J. Bums, who served as Director from 1917 until 1924. Bums was the most able and the most famous detective in the United States. He came from a family which had long been distinguished in the profession of law enforcement. His father had been Police Commissioner of a scandal ridden city, Columbus, Ohio, where he finally sent many prominent officials to prison. William Bums himself, at the age of twenty-four, had exposed the election frauds of 1883. He made his national reputation by cleaning up graft in San Francisco, where he sent many corrupt officials to jail. He solved the Times building bombing in 1910, an act of terrorism which killed twenty people. It was Bums' brilliant detective work which sent the McNamara brothers to prison for this act of wanton terrorism. Bums then joined the U.S. Secret Service, where he uncovered a national counterfeiting ring which had been operating unmolested for some twenty-five years. In New York City, Bums made headlines again when he solved the murder of the notorious gambler, Herman Rosenthal, which culminated in a police lieutenant and four gunmen being sent to the electric chair.

As the conclusion of the First World War, Bums was enlisted by Attorney General Daugherty to lead the battle against revolution in the United States. The Communists, exulting in their heady victory over the Czar in Russia, and the bloody massacre of his entire family, saw the United States as ripe for a Bolshevik takeover. Their goal was to break down the orderly processes of government on every level, and to take advantage of the resulting contusion and demoralization of the people by instigating a national Bolshevik takeover. On June 2,1919, during this battle, the home of Attorney General Mitchell Palmer, at 2132 R St NW in Washington D.C., a peaceful neighborhood of government officials, was blown up. Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt, who lived across the street, found bits of the bomber's body on his doorstep. This bombing was intended as an act of retaliation for the famous "Palmer raids," in which hundreds of wild-eyed Communist revolutionaries, most of whom were illegal aliens, had been arrested. Congress, even as today, was pronounced in its sympathy for the revolutionaries. In a concerted counter-attack against the campaign of the Attorney General, the House Rules Committee summoned Palmer to a formal hearing, where hostile members of Congress denounced him for his actions against the revolutionaries. They demanded that the "rights" of the aliens be protected. Those who believe that Congress is only concerned with the problems of Communists saw the demonstrable proof of their beliefs in the Moscow show trial which Congress recently staged featuring Oliver North. However, they have no knowledge of the fact that Congress has been relentless in defense of Bolshevism since 1920.

As a junior assistant to Director Bums, J. Edgar Hoover participated in the Palmer raids. This activity enabled him to pose for the rest of his life as a militant anti-Communist. In fact, Hoover proved to be the Trojan horse in Bums' Bureau of Investigation. He had become the well-known "protege" of a prominent liberal in a Wall Street plot to destroy not only the anti-Communist campaign, but President Harding's entire administration. This campaign culminated in the strange death of President Harding, the "suicide" of prominent figures in his administration, and conviction of others, including Attorney General Harry Daugherty, on various charges, sending diem to prison. It was a classic demonstration of a Democratic Congress impeaching a Republican Administration and trying its officials on Congressional charges. Thomas Jefferson's principle of checks and balances, the three departments of government having equal power, was thrown into the wastebasket.

Again and again we have seen this same technique, which resulted in the removal of a Republican president, Richard Nixon, from office, and the imprisonment of his principal advisers, and the conviction and imprisonment of most of Ronald Reagan's closest advisers. All of these convictions were obtained by the spectacle of typical Moscow "show trials" which were made world famous by the blood-thirsty dictator, Josef Stalin in Moscow in 1938. Congress learned the technique well.

After Daugherty had been charged, he was replaced by a well known liberal, Harlan Stone, who also happened to be the mentor of J. Edgar Hoover. The two had been the subject of ribald discussion for some months by the omnipresent Washington gossips. As an astute detective, Bums was aware that Stone might be subject to blackmail, but he resolved to ignore the situation. He was stunned when Stone, as his first official act as Attorney General, notified him that the entire anti-Communist campaign of the government was now abolished. Stone disbanded the GID, the General Intelligence Division, which had been the backbone of the national drive against the Communist revolutionaries. When Bums requested that he be given several weeks to wind up the work of the GID, Stone called him into his office. This was the provocation he had been writing for. He informed Bums that he was fired as Director of the Bureau, as of that moment. The audacity of this action, in summarily discharging the nation's most able detective, was typical of the arrogance of the leftwing bureaucrat.

Stone replaced Bums with J. Edgar Hoover. At one stroke, a dewey-eyed young man of twenty-four, wistful and demure, had become one of the most powerful bureaucrats in Washington, a position he was to hold for the rest of his life. Bums went to some of his powerful friends in Washington, complaining that Hoover had come in "by the back door" but he discovered that as a former officeholder, he no longer had any clout. He never again worked for the government, founding his own very successful private detective agency, which endures to this day.

With Bums out of the way, Stone proceeded to enlist the entire Department of Justice in a massive frontal attack against members of the Harding Administration. This campaign was not only intended to punish the Harding officials for their prosecution of the national anti-Communist campaign; it also had a deeper and perhaps more vital purpose in staging a massive cover up of a number of billion dollar swindles which had been perpetrated as "national emergencies" during the First World War. The principal benefactor of this cover up was the Standard Oil interests; Rockefeller had double billed the military forces for billions of dollars in oil and other vital military supplies throughout the war.

An investigation of U.S. Food Administrator Herbert Hoover was also under way, to trace the black market activities of his officials in sugar and other foodstuffs. The second in charge of his administration of the Food Administration had been Lewis Lichtenstein Strauss, who then became a partner of the Wall Street banking house of Kuhn, Loeb Co., the American representative of the Rothschild interests. Hoover himself had been a Rothschild agent for years, serving as a director of Rio Tinto Zinc, one of the three firms on which the Rothschild fortunes were based. There were also impending inquiries into the disposition of funds raised by the Belgian Relief Commission, which Hoover had headed for several years, and whose improprieties later became the subject of a number of books, among them "The Strange Life and Career of Herbert Hoover."

An investigation was scheduled of the activities of Eugene Meyer, a partner of Bernard Baruch, and head of the War Finance corporation, whose administration had printed billions of dollars worth of Liberty Bonds in duplicate, one duplicate being sold to the public and the other as asset to the Meyer fortune, which later enabled him to purchase the Washington Post, today the most influential political newspaper in the United States. There were also calls for investigating the activities of Bernard Baruch, who had served as head of the War Industries Board, and whose stock speculations in U.S. Steel and other munitions firm s had made him one of the wealthiest men in the United States.

All of these investigations vanished into oblivion, as the nation's press indulged in an unequalled orgy of media hype about a "real scandal," the Teapot Dome oil operations. Today, many Americans exhibit a kneejerk reaction when asked about Teapot Dome, but they show no reaction to inquiries about the Rockefeller scandals, the Hoover scandals, the Meyer scandals, or the Baruch scandals. These were all shoved under the rug, while the attention of the nation was focused for the next eight years on the "Teapot Dome" scandal. During all of this hype, the real story was completely submerged.

Two competitors of the Rockefeller oil interests, Harry Sinclair and Edward L. Doheny, had been persuaded by Washington bureaucrats to engage in an act of "public service." They were asked, as a patriotic effort, to pump out a national oil reservoir at Teapot Dome, because geologists had warned that the oil was slowly sinking into a sandy substratum, and would soon be lost forever. Although Sinclair and Doheny were sceptical that they could afford such a gesture of public service, they were finally persuaded to proceed. They formed the Mammoth Oil Corporation, and leased Teapot Dome from the Secretary of the Interior, Albert Fall, whose name, as a result of this episode, entered the language as a "fall guy," or patsy, also inspiring the colloquial phrase, "to take a fall."

On the advice of his departmental oil experts, Fall routinely approved the lease. At the time, Fall owned the largest ranch in the United States, Tres Rios in New Mexico, some 750,000 acres, an area 55 miles long and 24 miles wide. Acting on secret instructions from Washington, New Mexico tax officials suddenly doubled the taxes on his ranch, an amount he was unable to pay. Faced with the loss of his holdings, Fall requested Sinclair for a temporary loan to pay the taxes, which Sinclair agreed to do. The Rockefellers then sent one of their more unsavory henchmen, John Leo Stack, on a secret mission to the nation's most unsavory newspaper publisher, Frederic Bonfils, owner of the Denver Post. Bonfils had become a newspaper publisher by a circuitous route. He had operated a lottery in Kansas City, where the ticket purchasers learned that there would be no winning ticket. Bonfils hurriedly left town ahead of a lynch mob. With his profits, Bonfils arrived in Denver, where he found that the local newspaper, the Post, could be had for cash. He bought it as an ideal investment for a new and even more profitable operation than his fake lottery. The Post became his personal vehicle for a lucrative blackmail operation. He would make up a dummy front page involving some local luminary in a scandal (the scandals were always real, even though the page was a fake), and send it to the victim, noting that a suitable donation, usually five or ten thousand dollars, would "stop the presses." The victim always paid up.

Stack brought Bonfils an even more attractive offer. He promised Bonfils a cash payment of $200,000 to print the story of Teapot Dome. The account, as a Rockefeller operation, presented it as a terrible national scandal, the looting of the nation's oil reserves by unscrupulous profiteers. Other editors had already turned down Stack, despite the lucrative offer, because the story was obviously phony, and could result in expensive libel suits. Bonfils accepted the bribe without a second thought, and broke the story of the "scandal." Once he had printed it, other editors were willing to take their chances. At any rate, Sinclair and Doheney had no opportunity to sue anybody, because they were soon victims of the entire legal staff of the Department of Justice.

Bonfils later complained that Stack had withheld $40,000 of the bribe money; Stack claimed that this was his commission for acting as a bagman for the Rockefellers. Bonfils finally dropped his complaint, perhaps on the commitment from the Rockefellers to bring him even more lucrative deals in the future. The Dictionary of National Biography provides further insight into the swindles perpetrated by Bonfils and his longtime partner, Harry Tammen. They are memorialized by the historian F. L. Mott, in his "American Journalism; A History of Newspapers in the U.S. through 250 Years," as "paternalistic pirates of journalism." Frederic Bonfils was the grandson of Salvatore Buonfiglio, a Corsican immigrant who married into the patrician New England family of Alden, direct descendants of John Alden. His grandson changed the spelling to the more French "Bonfils," and became an insurance agent in the Midwest. He made a small fortune in the Oklahoma land boom, and with this stake, he launched his own business venture, the Little Louisiana Lottery in Kansas City. The purchasers of tickets were outraged to find that the lottery paid no prizes. William Rockhill Nelson, founder of the Kansas City Star, ran a series of articles exposing Bonfils. The result was that Bonfils was arrested. Judicious payments to law enforcement officials enabled him to escape with most of his funds.

Bonfils then went to Denver, where he teamed up with Harry Tammen, a bartender at the Windsor Hotel. Tammen had a profitable sideline, selling fake scalps of Sitting Bull and Geronimo to Eastern tenderfeet who wandered into the bar. He also ran dog and pony shows, which he later built into the renowned Sells-Floto Circus. The Sells family was at that time the most famous name in the circus business; the fact that none of the family was connected with Tammen' s operation deterred him not at all. Under threat of lawsuits, he finally made an agreement with a distant relative of the Sells family to use the name.

After his success with the lottery, Bonfils was looking for something more profitable than Tammen's swindles. Tammen informed him that he could buy the Evening Post in Denver for $12,500. Bonfils bought it, taking Tammen in as his partner. They changed the name to the Denver Post, and began a free wheeling blackmail operation, which brought them a handsome return. Strangely enough, none of their victims ever attacked them, although they were both shot and seriously wounded in the Post's office. The disgruntled gunman was a lawyer whom they had hired to sue Governor Charles Thomas over a pardon which Thomas had failed to grant, presumably after having accepted the required investment customary in these matters.

The Dictionary of National Biography notes that "the journalistic operations of the pair became a national issue as the result of the Post's part in the Teapot Dome scandal." The DNB relates that after accepting Stack's bribe, Bonfils sought even greater rewards, by approaching Harry Sinclair with a proposition that the Denver Post would drop any further developments in the story. Sinclair paid Bonfils $250,000, with the promise of $750,000 more if the Post refrained from any further Teapot Dome articles. Bonfils was not without his detractors among his fellow editors, some of whom saw fit to lay the full details of this arrangement before the convention of the American Society of Newspaper Editors. The ASNE carefully considered the evidence, which was overwhelming; they then declined to act, claiming that the bribe had been paid just before the national code of ethics had been installed by the association!

The Teapot Dome story is still enshrined in our history books as "the greatest scandal in history," although it has become routine for contemporary journalists to award that title to another Moscow show trial, the Watergate scandals. A Democratic Congress luxuriated in the opportunity to drag former Republican officials in for the next eight years, and to hammer away at their "terrible crimes," while the real villains, Rockefeller, Hoover, Meyer and Baruch, snickered in the background. Fall was not sent to prison until 1931, some seven years after the event. He was convicted of having accepted a bribe from Edward L. Doheny, although, in a later trial, Doheny was acquitted of having given him the bribe! Fall lost both his ranch and his reputation. He died, a broken man. in 1944.

The Great Depression, which followed these Moscow show trials in Washington, was the logical outcome of the deliberate manipulation of the national government, both the Congress and the federal agencies, by the sinister international speculators. These political show trials provided the ideal smoke screen behind which the manipulators could execute their longtime program of systematically looting and destroying the nation. During these Golden Years of the conspirators, J. Edgar Hoover flourished in Washington. He was the only bureaucrat who could provide a corps of political police for any purpose, providing that the customer had sufficient money and political clout. Hoover had come into office as the personal protege of a dedicated liberal activist who had singlehandedly eliminated the government's counterattack against Communists in America. Hoover always remained loyal to his mentor. He found an able accomplice in his strange desires when he hired an up and coming young Washingtonian, Clyde Tolson, as his assistant. Like Hoover, Tolson had also been the protege of a powerful Washington official, former Secretary of War Newton D. Baker. As the "confidential secretary" to Baker, Tolson' s duties had never been obvious but the association was a satisfying one. After Baker's departure from Washington, Tolson followed Hoover's advice and went to night school, obtaining his law degree as Hoover had done. Like Hoover, Tolson was also a dedicated Mason, active in the Washington lodge. In his entire career, Hoover accepted only one business directorship, as director of the influential and wealthy Masonic insurance company, Acacia Mutual Insurance.

Hoover's rise to power in the Bureau of Investigation was preceded by his becoming much more active in Masonic endeavours. On Nov. 9, 1920, he was raised to the Sublime Degree of Master Mason in Federal Lodge No. 1. In April of 1921, he attained various degrees in the Royal Arch Masons. In July of 1921, he joined Washington Commandery No. 1. He was then named Assistant Director of the Bureau of Investigation, August 22, 1921. On March 1, 1922, J. Edgar Hoover joined the Almas Shrine Temple, and a few weeks later, he was given a commission as Captain in U.S. Army Intelligence.

In "The Royal Masonic Encyclopaedia," Kenneth Mackenzie defines the Acacia as "the symbolic plant of Freemasonry. The Acacia, known as Jebbeck in Egypt, flourishes in the Levantine countries. It was the sacred wood of the Jews, called Shittah. "The acacia was used to indicate the place where dead bodies had been interred among the Jews."

William Sullivan later stated in his revealing book about the FBI, "The Bureau,"

"But for reasons that were never entirely clear, Tolson rose quickly, and was soon working at the Director's side." Sullivan also commented that Tolson's sole duty at the FBI seemed to be to agree with whatever Hoover proposed. If Sullivan had intended in later writings to make the reasons for Tolson's rise to power in the FBI, "more clear," he was not to have the opportunity. He was shot in a "hunting accident."

While steadily building important political alliances in Washington, J. Edgar Hoover cultivated close relationships with the nation's leading gangsters. He ignored ordinary criminals, while consorting with the family heads of the national crime syndicate. In a revealing work, "Secret File," Henry Messick states:

"Reinfeld had headed the Reinfeld Syndicate during the great days of the Big Seven, in partnership with the Bronfman brothers in Canada, and Longie Zwillman, 'the A1 Capone of New Jersey.' Much of the liquor brought to the East Coast was transported there by the Reinfeld Syndicate." On p. 277, Messick says, "The Reinfeld Syndicate was divided into two parts; the Canadian end was headed by the four Bronfman brothers, Samuel, Abe, Harry and Allen. They began as owners of a small hotel and ended as the richest men in Canada and head of Distillers-Seagram. It was the Bronfmans' duty to buy Canadian booze and ship it around the East Coast to the Rum Rows of Boston and New York."

What was J. Edgar Hoover's part in all this? He began to receive substantial donations from the mobsters, and set up a private holding operation, the J. Edgar Hoover Foundation, as conduit for the moneys. He detailed his personal publicity agent at the FBI, Louis Nichols, (who later named his son after J. Edgar) to head the foundation. Nichols became the confidential assistant to the notorious Lew Rosenstiel, a bootlegger who became head of the Schenley Corporation. In this capacity, Lou Nichols was installed in Washington as the highly paid lobbyists for the ex-bootleggers who were now respectable liquor distillers, thanks to FDR's successful "repeal" program. Nichols used his Capitol Hill contacts, which he had developed during his years as J. Edgar Hoover's right-hand man at the FBI, to save the liquor moguls many millions of dollars in taxes. He acquired large estates in Virginia and New Jersey, as the result of his loyalty to the liquor kings. In 1958, Nichols was successful in lobbying an excise tax bill through Congress which saved Schenley Corporation fifty million dollars in taxes. He sponsored the Forand Bill, which extended the storage period for whiskey from eight to twenty years. As soon as this bill was passed, the value of Schenley stock increased sixty-seven per cent in value.

Drew Pearson, the Washington scandalmonger who had become one of the incorporators of the J. Edgar Hoover Foundation, recorded many items in his diaries which he never published in his daily columns. He made an observation dated July 18, 1949, about a Syndicate operator, Bill Helis, who had purchased the Tanforan racetrack from Joe Reinfeld, the head of the Syndicate.

"Now I understand why Bill Helis contributed three thousand dollars to the J. Edgar Hoover Foundation. He was a front for Reinfeld."

On June 17,1948, Pearson made an entry as follows: "Truman (President), complained about J. Edgar Hoover collecting gossip; he was particularly sore about a FBI report on David Niles about a love affair." The "love affair" concerned Niles' perverted activities; he was a notorious homosexual, an alcoholic, and a Communist agent. One of Niles' sisters worked at KGB headquarters in Moscow; another of his sisters worked in the headquarters of the Israeli Intelligence Agency, Mossad, in Tel Aviv. Niles boasted that he had all bases covered.

To punish J. Edgar Hoover for having kept Niles under surveillance, Truman demanded that he furnish two FBI agents to accompany Niles each evening on his homosexual forays around Washington. While Niles lured a burly truck driver into an alley, the agents had to crouch behind garbage cans, remaining concealed until Niles had completed his work. If the truck driver threatened to rob him or beat him up, the FBI agents then rushed forward to protect him.

Unbeknownst to Truman, his closest crony, Gen. Harry Vaughn, was actually J. Edgar Hoover's personal agent in the White House. Not only did Gen. Vaughn report personally to Hoover each day on what was being said and done in the White House; he also lobbied to advance Hoover's power, working with great fervor to persuade Truman to place the OSS, and later the CIA, under Hoover's control. Despite his great influence with the President, Vaughn was unable to persuade Truman to grant Hoover these concessions. In return for this valuable assistance, Hoover funneled expensive gifts to Gen. Vaughn from his wealthy contacts in the Syndicate.

On Nov. 23, 1949, Pearson noted in his Diary that he had a phone call from J. Edgar Hoover demanding that he kill a story about a White House employee or go to jail. "I told Edgar he was nuts; Hoover said Steve Early made him do it."

With Clyde Tolson at his side, J. Edgar Hoover had long been a regular visitor to the more lavish Syndicate vacation spas. The couple were a winter regular at the notorious Florida headquarters of the Syndicate, J. Meyer Schine's Roney Plaza Hotel in Miami. On the West Coast, they were wined and dined at the Del Mar racetrack because of its Syndicate connections. In return for these favors, J. Edgar Hoover held national press conferences each year, during which he routinely denied that there was such an entity as a national crime syndicate. In response to an inquiry from Assistant Attorney General Theron Caudle (who later attained national fame as "mink coat Caudle" for his role in a payoff scheme), J. Edgar Hoover wrote Caudle a personal memorandum, dated Oct. 13, 1948:

"Please be advised that a search of the records of this Bureau fails to reflect that Zwillman has ever been the subject of an investigation conducted by the FBI." As that time, Zwillman was reputed to be the No. 2 man in the national crime syndicate!

In the fall of 1958, according to Victor Navasky in his book, "Kennedy Justice," fifty-two numbered copies of an FBI report on the Mafia, apparently prepared without J. Edgar Hoover's knowledge or consent, were distributed to the twenty-five top officials in the government who were directly concerned with law enforcement. This was the first time that the FBI had officially recognized the existence of a national crime syndicate. When he learned of the report, the day after it had been distributed, J. Edgar Hoover was furious. He immediately had each copy of the report recalled and destroyed. He denounced the report as "baloney." It was never mentioned again.

In the mid 1930s, J. Edgar Hoover embarked upon a massive public relations campaign, portraying himself as a fearless crime fighter wielding a machine gun as he mowed down the criminals. In fact, he had never fired a gun at anyone during his career, nor did he do so at any later time until his death. Pressure from opponents on Capitol Hill — at that time, he had not yet attained his later ascendancy over Congress — forced him to become more involved in criminal matters. Longtime friends of Senator Burton Wheeler and Tom Walsh had vowed to get Hoover because of his illegal use of FBI agents in a frenetic campaign to have these Senators indicted on charges of taking bribes. Their friends made impassioned speeches on the floor of the Senate, not only denying the charges against them, but also making pointed comments about Hoover's lack of personal experience in the field of law enforcement. Although they avoided direct charges that Hoover was operating a political police force in the United States, one critic noted that it was a matter of record that Hoover had never participated in an arrest during his entire career!

Stung by this criticism, and facing a possible widespread demand on Capitol Hill for his removal, Hoover notified his agents that they should delay the arrest of any prominent criminal, his famous "Public Enemy" category, until he was summoned to arrive on the scene. A few weeks later, he received a wire from New Orleans that FBI agents there had trapped Alvin Kaipis, Public Enemy No. 1. Hoover flew to New Orleans, where his agents assured him that Kaipis had indeed been secured. Hoover rushed up the back stairs and burst into the room. Kaipis was already surrounded by FBI agents, who had disarmed him. Hoover tried to put the handcuffs on him, and was informed that no one had remembered to bring them. One agent whipped off his necktie, and the most dangerous man in America was hustled out to the car, his hands secured by an ordinary necktie!

Hoover realized that Karpis could make the story of his arrest a matter of public record, if he was ever released from prison. The Director notified the Bureau of Prisons that under no circumstances was Karpis ever to be given parole. The result was that an embittered Karpis spent much of the rest of his life in prison. When he was finally released, he did write a book, in which he referred to the Director in unprintable terms, describing both his reputed racial origins and his sexual habits.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt considered Hoover's personal life a matter of great amusement. Roosevelt himself, despite his crippled condition, was an inveterate heterosexual. He often regaled his dinner guests with comments on Hoover's personal life. After one of these dinners, the British Ambassador noted in a memorandum to the Home Office in 1938,

"FDR fancies himself the reincarnation of a Byzantine Emperor; in keeping with this image, he has placed a eunuch in charge of his household, as Hoover's FBI is principally concerned with keeping the government employees in rein."

Some of the more daring Congressmen on Capitol Hill were no less scathing in their references to the Director. Representative John Rankin of Mississippi, who was well known for his iconoclastic remarks both on and off the record, incurred Hoover's wrath by a pointed reference to requests for huge increases in the annual FBI appropriations bill. Speaking on the floor of the House, Rankin quipped, "A lot of these statistics sound like fairy tales to me."

As administration after administration came and went in Washington, Hoover remained imperturbably fixed in his seat of power, seemingly impregnable to the changing moods of the voters. At the beginning of each new administration, there were loud demands for his removal from office. One of the more vociferous of President Truman's leftwing aides, Max Lowenthal, rushed into Truman's office shortly after the demise of FDR.

"Whatever priorities you may have lined up, Mr! President," he said, "you must realize that at the earliest possible moment, you should remove J. Edgar Hoover from the FBI, replacing him with someone more amenable to our Democratic program. And you certainly must be aware of his ah, proclivities."

Truman listened without comment. Weeks went by, and he took no action. Lowenthal had failed to realize that Hoover's impregnable position rested not only on the famed Black Cabinet, a file of photos and telephone tape recordings of Congressional sexual peccadilloes and financial maneuvers, but also on the fact that J. Edgar Hoover was one of the nation's most powerful Masons. Truman himself owed his entire political career to the years he had put in as chief Masonic organizer for the state of Missouri. Hoover's companion, Clyde Tolson, was also a high ranking Mason. Truman ignored Lowenthal's demand.

Lowenthal then wrote a book denouncing Hoover and the FBI, primarily because of his supposed anti-Communist activity. Like most liberals in the United States, Lowenthal had accepted without question the public relations campaign which portrayed J. Edgar Hoover not only as the greatest crime fighter in the nation, but also as its most active anti-Communist. This was the first of a succession of books on the FBI by Washington's professional liberals. All of them ignored the true basis of his power, his Masonic affiliation. Lowenthal would never have believed that it was Hoover and his mentor, Harlan Stone, who had successfully sabotaged the national campaign against the Communists in 1924. This movement lay moribund until Senator Joe McCarthy revived it briefly in the 1950s. Like his forerunners in this movement, McCarthy was hounded until he died in disgrace, having been officially reprimanded by the Senate of the United States for having dared to oppose the Communist Party in this country.

Although President Truman officially ignored Lowenthal's book, his personal assistant, David Niles, wrote him a glowing letter, "You are doing a wonderful service to the country by writing a book of this sort."

Even if he had been sincere in his opposition to Communism, J. Edgar Hoover would have had to accept the fact that the new administration in 1933 consisted of a Democratic Party which had been captured by the fanatical Stalinist wing of the world Communist movement. Not only did Roosevelt come into office with a prepared agreement to officially recognize the Soviet government of Russia; he also surrounded himself with dedicated Communist espionage agents. His three closest confidants were Alger Hiss, later sent to prison for lying about his activities on behalf of the Communists; Lauchlin Currie, who was named by Elizabeth Bentley and other ex-Communists in testimony before Congress as a Communist agent, and Harry Dexter White, personal assistant to Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau in the Roosevelt administration, who shipped the U.S. plates for printing American occupation currency in Germany to the Soviet Union. The Soviets ran off some $35 billion in U.S. occupation marks, which enabled them to pay the costs of their occupation of Germany. All of these marks were later paid for by American taxpayers.

Hoover's files bulged with documented information about the Communist activities of many leading members of the Roosevelt administration, most of which he prudently kept under wraps. Roosevelt understood the situation, and knew that Hoover, as an accomplished bureaucrat, would do nothing as long as the Democrats were in power. During the Second World War, General Wild Bill Donovan, anxious to please Roosevelt, staffed the new Office of Strategic Services, (now the CIA) with many known Communist agents. To needle his rival, Hoover sent to Donovan some of the more damaging dossiers about his closest lieutenants in the OSS. Donovan reported the ploy to Roosevelt, with the wry comment, "Of course I knew they were Communists; that's why I hired them!"

As a sop to the Stalinists who controlled Washington, J. Edgar Hoover hired none other than the founder of the Communist Party of the United States, Jay Liebstein, or Lovestone, as the ghostwriter for his projected book on Communism. The resulting book was artfully titled "Masters of Deceit." Perhaps as a joke on Hoover, Lovestone had included in the book a complete Communist manual for organizing local chapters of the Communist Party throughout the United States. Hoover apparently remained unaware of the deception, probably because he never read it. He was content to collect the considerable sums which the book, an immediate best seller, brought into his bank account. All of the expenses, including Lovestone's fee, had been paid from the FBI's special informant funds.

J. Edgar Hoover's famed state of chronic paranoia was not due to the fact that he suspected people around him of being Communists or Nazis; he was always suspicious that they might use their position to amass information which would help his enemies to get rid of him. His Maginot Line of protection against this much wished for event was his Black Cabinet of incriminating information on the leading political figures in Washington. Only his longtime personal secretary, Helen Gandy, had access to it. Jack Anderson and other Washington journalists might boast that they could gain access to any FBI file in Hoover's headquarters by offering favors or a discreet payment, but none of them could get to the material in the Black Cabinet. When a new President came into office, J. Edgar Hoover always made a point of sending him over some of the choicest tidbits about his political rivals. The President would be made aware that if Hoover had such information on others, he probably had equally damaging information on the present incumbent. The ploy served both as an offer of ingratiation, and as a warning. Of postwar Presidents, Lyndon Johnson probably appreciated these tidbits more than anyone. Known to his political intimates in Texas as "Dry Gulch Lyndon" because of the fate of those who threatened his political rise, his personality was closely related to that of the Director himself, totally dedicated to greed, lust and power.

Having secured the White House and Capitol Hill, J. Edgar Hoover was now free to indulge his inordinate appetite for luxury. He and Clyde Tolson continued to be wined and dined by the nation's crime leaders. A 1957 cover story on Hoover by Time magazine noted that when he and Tolson went to New York, they were usually met at their reserved table at the Stork Club by none other than Frank Costello, the acknowledged head of the national crime syndicate. While Hoover was in Washington, the columnist Walter Winchell served as the official courier between Hoover and the Mafia. If a particular "family" was causing law enforcement problems anywhere in the United States, Winchell would arrange for a family member to meet with Hoover at the Stork Club. With the gregarious Costello sitting in as referee, the problem would be ironed out in a convivial manner.

J. Edgar Hoover developed a small circle of multi-millionaire patrons, who cemented the friendship by showering him with expensive gifts. Hoover expected nothing less than solid gold cufflinks, sterling silver candelabra, and rare Oriental carvings of precious jade. At Christmas, the unofficial president of the J. Edgar Hoover fan club, Louis Marx, would deliver to Hoover expensive train sets and other high priced items from the Marx Toy Co., which Hoover, as Santa Claus would then pass out to the children of FBI employees. Marx had profited greatly from the looting of conquered Germany. His firm took many intricate toy patents from German manufacturers, and reproduced them profitably in the United States.

FBI agents also were expected to favor Hoover with expensive gifts. One agent borrowed money to have a Persian rug custom made for "the Boss" with the initials "JEH" woven into the center. This agent later enjoyed a meteoric career with the FBI. Hoover launched the practice of an annual birthday party at his office, at which the agents, who received modest salaries, were expected to present him with solid gold or sterling silver gifts. No one was compelled to do so, but those agents who ignored the festivities were sometimes transferred to Boise, Idaho, the legendary Siberia of the FBI.

Although no one ever dared to fire a shot at Hoover during his legendary career, he maintained at government expense, ($30,000 each), a fleet of five heavily armor-plated limousines. Two were kept in Washington, one in Miami, one in New York, and one in Los Angeles. Hoover frequently circulated photos of himself brandishing a machine gun, although he had never been known to fire it except on the firing range.

J. Edgar Hoover's gilded existence ended suddenly, when he was found dead in bed by his longtime housekeeper, Annie Fields. This unexpected event (he had had no previous health problems) was linked by Washington insiders to the Watergate scandal, which was then at its height. An FBI agent in Mexico City had come up with some photos which directly linked top officials in Washington with the inner operations of CREEP, President Nixon's confidential reelection team. Someone apparently decided that Hoover could only be prevented from using these photos for his own advantage (that is, by offering them to the highest bidder) by bringing a halt to his long career. This was done.

J. Edgar Hoover's last will and testament did little to dispel the Capitol Hill rumors and ribald comments at the National Press Club about his personal life. He seemed to confirm longtime conjectures by resolutely cutting off his relatives in his will, and leaving his entire estate, with the exception of a few bequests to other associates, to his consort, Clyde Tolson. Tolson was also named executor of the will. Five thousand dollars was left to his secretary, Helen Gandy; three thousand to his housekeeper, Annie Fields, and two thousand to his chauffeur, James Crawford.

The millions of dollars worth of gifts which Hoover had received over the years were appraised at a fraction of their value. His important collection of Oriental jade, said to be worth more than a million dollars, was listed at a few thousand dollars. In the published list of the appraisals of hundreds of items from his estate, we find Hoover's personal gold FBI shield listed at five dollars. A collector would probably pay $1500 for it. Hoover's leather bill fold with the Department of Justice seal set with thirteen diamonds was listed at $50.00. This would probably bring three thousand dollars at auction. A jade Phoenix bird on stand was listed at $35. This would be a thousand dollar item. The appraisal, which was duly notarized by Clyde Tolson as "a true and perfect inventory" listed a collection of one thousand books, most of which had been autographed by the authors to J. Edgar Hoover, at one dollar each. The collection included books by a number of Presidents, from Herbert Hoover to Richard Nixon, and from many other prominent figures. At autograph value alone, these would be worth hundreds of dollars each. Dozens of sterling silver items were listed at $5 or $10 each. Two sterling silver candelabra were listed at $16 for the pair; these would probably bring $350. Fifty-two pieces of Masonic flatware, the "Royal Arch Mason" pattern in heavy sterling silver, were listed at $166 for the lot. Four yellow gold Masonic rings, one with diamond, were listed at $80 for the lot. Even at these deflated prices, Tolson inherited more than half a million dollars from J. Edgar Hoover.

Hoover's successor at the FBI, Acting Director L. Patrick Gray III, an Annapolis graduate, admitted burning many FBI documents. Hoover's secretary, Helen Gandy, appeared before a special Congressional Committee to testify that she had shredded Hoover's secret files, the contents of the dreaded Black Cabinet. Instead of having her tried on criminal charges, as was later done with Col. Oliver North, the Congressmen, greatly relieved, all but commended her for a job well done. The Washington Post, on Jan. 19, 1975, carried a lengthy story that she had given twelve file cabinet drawers of "particularly sensitive files" to Assistant Director of the FBI W. Mark Felt, who was rumored to be the Deep Throat informant of the Watergate massacre. Despite this documented testimony, the New York Times carried a story from its huge Washington bureau on Feb. 9, 1975 that "Unconfirmed reports claim that Mr. Hoover's friends removed or destroyed the files in the hours before Mr. Gray took office." Apparently the Times Washington bureau never read the Washington Post.

Basking in the heartfelt approval of the Congressional investigators, Helen Gandy retired to Florida. She died of cancer in an Orange City nursing home on July 7, 1988, at the age of 91, leaving no survivors.

Clyde Tolson died April 14, 1975. The Washington Post printed a photo with his obituary, which turned out to be a photo of Louis Nichols. The error was corrected on April 16. Like his friend, J. Edgar Hoover, Clyde Tolson also disinherited all of his relatives. The Washington Post commented that Tolson's will, disposing of some $540,520 (June 22, 1975), represented the Hoover bequest. Tolson left $200,000 to other Hoover cronies; another $4,000 to Helen Gandy; Tolson's secretary, Dorothy Stillman, received $27,000. The No. 3 man in the FBI, John Mohr, was named executor; he received $26,000. Hoover's former employees, Annie Fields and James Crawford, received $32,000 each. One might conjecture that these bequests, which deliberately cut off Tolson's relatives in favor of Hoover's cronies, could be considered a tribute to the late Director's memory; they might also be considered a reward for continued discretion.

A further imbroglio developed when Mohr attempted to carry out Tolson's bequest of J. Edgar Hoover memorabilia to "the J. Edgar Hoover room in the new FBI building." The problem was that there was no J. Edgar Hoover room in the new FBI building, nor was there likely to be, due to spirited opposition on Capitol Hill. A few Hoover mementos were on display in one area of the guided tour, but officials were wary of setting up a special room in J. Edgar Hoover's memory. Disturbing rumors about his personal life were still circulating throughout the city, and considerable opposition had been voiced by Congressmen, media personalities and other spokesmen. They feared that at any moment, a national news story might break, which would document the rumors about Hoover's personal life. This might necessitate renaming the building, and declaring J. Edgar Hoover a "nonperson," in the accepted Stalinist style.

The present writer had already filed a lawsuit against the estate of J. Edgar Hoover, and the possibility of a court hearing, and the presentation of witnesses and documented evidence, caused some Congressmen to demand that the new FBI building should not bear J. Edgar Hoover's name. The media cooperated in banning all further mention of my lawsuit, while the United States court system closed ranks to prevent any trial of the action. It was quietly dismissed, with no evidence, no witnesses, nor this writer ever being permitted to enter the courtroom. Justice (the Department of Justice, that is) had been served.

The only living person who had dared to oppose J. Edgar Hoover at the FBI had been given the bum's rush by Hoover when Sullivan, who had long been the No. 2 man at the FBI, finally summoned up the courage to ask Hoover just when he planned to retire and relinquish his position to Sullivan. For eight consecutive years, Hoover had made a solemn pledge to Sullivan at the beginning of each new year, that this would be his last year at the FBI, and that his only desire was to retire and live quietly at home with his pet dogs. The morning after Sullivan delivered what amounted to an ultimatum to Hoover, he arrived at the FBI headquarters to find that the locks had been changed on his door. His parking space and secretary were gone, and his personal effects were later delivered to him by a flunky.

Sullivan later wrote a revealing book about the Boss, which was published under the title, "The Bureau." It skirted many important issues, which Sullivan had planned to treat in a later and more startling book. Sullivan had been Hoover's personal choice for the director of the controversial COINTELPRO program, a campaign of unparalleled hatred and vindictiveness against targets chosen by Hoover himself, including the present writer. In 1977, Sullivan was to be subpoenaed about COINTELPRO's operations, which included many illegal acts, including political conspiracy, black bag jobs or burglaries, the manufacture of phony evidence, and stories planted to harass innocent victims, illegal wiretaps, seizure of mail, and many other crimes which had led to great suffering and often death of the victims.

Many details of the COINTELPRO operations were contained in some 52,000 pages of FBI files which had been obtained by the Citizens Investigation Bureau of Ohio through the Freedom of Information Act. Shortly before he was due to testify about COINTELPRO, Sullivan was shot and killed in a mysterious "hunting accident." He was shot in an open field, in broad daylight, ostensibly by the son of a law enforcement official, while wearing bright red safety hunting clothes. The "accident" occurred when a shot was fired from a high powered rifle, using a telescopic sight. It had all the manifestations of a professional hit job, but the FBI resolutely resisted all demands for an official investigation into the death of its former No. 2 official, claiming that it was "a local matter."

Hoover's successor, F. Patrick Gray III, hurriedly decamped when the present writer filed suit against Hoover's estate. He was replaced by a former FBI agent, Clarence Kelley, who was then serving as the police chief of Kansas City. Kansas City was a notorious Mafia controlled city, yet Kelley's wife refused to move to Washington, claiming that the city had too high a crime rate. (It was only a fraction of the present rate, which has won Washington the title of "murder capital of the world.") Kelley had to go home to Kansas City every weekend, leaving the running of the FBI to Hoover's longtime cronies.

The Bureau was then presented to a federal judge with liberal credentials, William Webster, whom the present writer also sued for thirty-three years of harassment and surveillance. Webster was moved to the CIA, and replaced by another judge, a Texas protege of Senator John Tower, William Sessions. He also became known as an absentee director, spending most of his time travelling around the United States and visiting the field offices. The FBI was run in his absence by one of the old crowd. Assistant Director Buck Revell. Oliver (Buck) Revell, one of the FBI's Old Guard, had been in line for the position of director when Webster left for the CIA. He had developed a close relationship with Col. Oliver North; when the Iran-Contra story broke in Washington, Revell was deemed to be too compromised by this relationship, and was passed over in favor of Sessions. After repeated criticism of Sessions as an absentee director, and newspaper stories that Revell was actually running the FBI, Sessions hurriedly named a new Assistant Director, and suggested that Revell should retire.