The Department of Justice

Most Americans believe that they have in Washington a superior bulwark of their liberties, not above the Constitution, but existing to bring the Constitution to life in prosecuting violations of their freedoms. This bulwark is known as the Department of Justice. Unfortunately for our comfortable supposition, the Department of Justice exists, and was created, not as a bulwark of justice for the citizens of America, but as an instrumentality by which political crimes could be committed against us.

Congress created the Department of Justice in 1870, almost a century after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. The century prior to the creation of the Department of Justice was a period of unparalleled growth and prosperity for the American nation. The century since its creation has been a period of steady decline. How did this happen? America inaugurated its existence as the land of opportunity, the land of freedom, and the land of justice. Of the three, justice was always the most unattainable, but it existed, in however waiped or inadequate a fashion. After 1870, the activities of the Department of Justice served to remove the possibility of obtaining justice in the courts permanently beyond the reach of most Americans. This does not mean that justice could not be had. It was always there for the fortunate few, for those who had created the Department of Justice and who subsequently benefited from its creation.

The Department of Justice, by its very nature, has no permanent bias or prejudice in its mode of operation. It exists solely to serve its creators and directors, the PIPs, or Party in Power, which is also known as the Perverts in Power, because of their propensity for perverting every aspect of American existence. Although all government departments in Washington are permanently tainted by political opportunism, the Department of Justice is the most reprehensible, because it is advertised as the final arbiter of our problems. Of all the departments, the Department of Justice is the most flagrant prostitute, boldly advertising that she will do anything for her pimps.

The present writer has advised the Department of Justice routinely over the past thirty years of serious criminal acts committed and which fall directly within the purlieu of this department. Because these letters are sent Registered with Return Receipt required, the department has regularly answered these notifications, and as regularly has refused to take any action. Reported violations of civil rights are met with the identical Department of Justice response, usually in a sneering tone, that I should hire myself a private attorney, if I really think that my rights have been violated. Notifications of routine theft, using the mails to defraud, and conspiracy to defraud, all amply documented, have been met with the same response, that I should hire a private lawyer. This is the same Department of Justice which recently spent some forty million dollars to determine how Col. Oliver North paid for a couple of tires!

When I wrote to Mr. Oliver (Buck) Revell in 1986 (the current acting director of the FBI) complaining of continuous violations of my copyright on my book, "Secrets of the Federal Reserve," I received a response dated May 28, 1986 that

"The FBI pursues criminal investigations and prosecutions of copyright matters generally in the areas of sound recordings, motion pictures and audiovisual works). . . . the FBI will not institute a criminal investigation relative to this matter."

Few people know that the vast resources of the FBI for years have been diverted to protecting the profits of a few Hollywood film moguls, who are also among the largest donors of political funds to national campaigns. FBI resources are confined to stopping unauthorized copies of these moguls' films and records. Faced with the refusal of the FBI to act in this matter, I went into state court, and later into federal court, with several lawsuits against violators of my copyrights. In each instance, the judge intervened actively on behalf of the defendant, and my complaints were consigned to the wastebasket.

The overt activity of the Department of Justice on behalf of the political powers that be is proof that the five thousand lawyers there do work to earn their salaries. When not carrying out humiliating errands for party bosses, they may be found conspiring with the dread KGB to commit atrocities against American citizens, or indulging in their favorite pastime, volunteering to carry out hatchet jobs against critics of the State of Israel.

From one point of view, the Department of Justice may be acting to protect the public. One shudders to think what the effect might be if its five thousand lawyers were suddenly discharged and unleashed upon an unsuspecting public. The consequences would be calamitous, and could bring on the total collapse of the nation. A visitor to these hallowed halls complained that the marijuana smoke was so thick in one office that he couldn't see to read his brief. For some decades, the Department of Justice has been the first stop out of law school for arrogant young graduates from Harvard, Columbia and Yale. Typical was the revelation, at the height of the Watergate imbroglio, that one young Department of Justice lawyer had become quite popular at parties in Washington and New York. In return for supplies of Acapulco gold, he was playing the supersecret Watergate tapes at liberal yuppy parties, and was the hit of the circuit. The episode was a one day source of gossip, and was quickly forgotten.

Since the advent of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933, the Department of Justice has been unrelentingly "liberal" in its bias. The long parade of Republican White House advisers convicted and sent to prison reflects not only the power of the Democratic Congress, but the overwhelming prejudice of the Department's attorneys. Like the Supreme Court, the Department of Justice can be said to have read the election returns, but its interpretations of them occurs on a much lower and more petty level. The dedication of department officials to statism, more aptly known as Marxism, has never been a secret in Washington. However, in recent years, there have been rumors of two conflicting philosophies of government in the Department of Justice. In fact, the most active rivalry and longtime opposition of two fanatical sects has now come to roost in the halls of Justice. In 1933, with the sudden dominance of the Stalinist wing of the Communist Party, assuming absolute direction of the Democratic Party, government officials vied with each other in exhibiting their newfound loyalty. Large posters of Lenin and Stalin were placed in offices and homes of prominent officials; the Internationale was routinely sung at weekend parties hosted by these officials, and earnest students could be seen poring over the latest edition of Stalin's speeches from International Publishers. However, these were mere tokens of a fanatical loyalty. These officials were not token Communists; they were actively engaged in espionage activities in our halls of government. Members of the notorious Harold Ware cell, presided over by Felix Frankfurter and his ubiquitous proteges, who were known as his "Happy Hot Dogs," were named to key roles in the departments of government. Longtime government employees, who had served ably and well at very low salaries, were now shunted to the background, irreversibly tainted as "good Americans." Few of these unlucky ones could even boast a foreign accent.

The Stalinists remained firmly in control of the Democratic Party for many decades. Meanwhile, a rival group had been headquartered in the United States, the followers of Leon Trotsky, who were committed to "world revolution now." They bitterly opposed the Stalinists, who echoed Stalin's dictum of "Socialism in one country," that is, Russia, although a purer form of Communism had now been established on the banks of the Potomac, perhaps the only genuine Communist government which has ever existed anywhere. In 1940, Stalin, fearing Trotsky's divisive influence on the brink of world war, had him hacked to death in Mexico City. The Trotskyites now had a martyr, and a cause worthy of continuing financial support by the various Rockefeller tax exempt foundations. The Trotskyites finally came to rest under the aegis of the League for Industrial Democracy, a shadow name for the old Socialist Workers Party, the Trotskyite movement in America.

Firmly committed to the principles of Marxism and Trotsky's doctrine of world revolution now, the League for Industrial Democracy began to infiltrate conservative American groups. After 1948, the LID became the nesting place for the most fervent Israeli propagandists in the United States. First advertising themselves as "neo-conservatives, " they gradually became more militant and virulently anti-Stalinist. In 1980, with the election of Ronald Reagan as President, the LID, masquerading behind its vocal contacts in the Hoover Institute at Stanford University, seized control of the Reagan Administration. Reagan unwittingly found himself playing the Hollywood role of General Custer, completely surrounded by the Indians at the Little Big Horn, while his few remaining genuinely conservative supporters were chopped down. The Trotskyites now had total power in the White House. They wrote virulent speeches for Reagan to deliver, denouncing the Moscow regime as the Evil Empire, and threatening to avenge the death of Trotsky by an allout war against the Soviets.

The realities of international politics forced them to tone down these toxins, but they continued to develop "anti-Communist" regimes in Latin America. After the Goldwater election fiasco, the "neocons," the Trotskyites who now considered Tel Aviv as their Kremlin, moved into control of the Republican Party by default, as the Eastern control, the traditional Wall Street direction of the Republicans, floundered under the uncertain leadership of Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller.

In Nicaragua, the "neocons" found their golden opportunity. For decades, Nicaragua had been the playground of such banking houses as J & W Seligman Co., and Brown Bros, (now Brown Bros. Harriman, the family firm of President George Bush). The Nicaraguan dictator, Gen. Alberto Somoza, invited some Israeli entrepreneurs into his country, in the hopes of quick profits. They made millions for him, but abused the people so mercilessly that a reaction took place. The Sandinistas, a Stalinist Communist group, seized power, exiled Somoza, whom they subsequently murdered, and seized the Israeli enterprises. The Israelis began to finance an opposition movement, called the "contras."

When Reagan came into the White House in 1980, the "neocons" sought U.S. financing for the contra movement, in the hopes of recapturing the Israeli businesses in Nicaragua. However, the Democratic Congress, still firmly committed to the support of Stalinist Communism throughout the world, refused to allow U.S. support of the contras. An impasse developed which has paralyzed the American government for almost a decade. The Kissinger "neocons," led by his personal proteges, John Poindexter and Oliver North, and supervised by Elliott Abrams of the Dept, of State, (son-in-law of the Israeli powers, Midge Decter and Norm Podhoretz of Commentary, the agitprop publication of the American Jewish Committee, sought to finance the contras through tax-exempt donations. Congress then forbade contra support by the Boland Amendments.

To punish those who supported the contras, Congress sought to take over the executive branch of government. The traditional system of checks and balances was thrown overboard, as Congress appointed "Special Prosecutors" to crucify North and other scapegoats of the "neocons." Even trials, the traditional purlieu of the executive department, were taken over, as Congress staged spectacular televised Moscow show trials of its victims, such as North, in the grand tradition of Josef Stalin. The American public, totally bemused by the spectacle of two wings of the Communist Party battling to the death in Washington like insane pit bulls, was never informed by the servile press, which was now largely under alien domination, about the true nature of the struggle. Meanwhile, the economy, the national borders, the environment, the military, and other responsibilities of the national government, were abandoned, leaving the nation to flounder and then to sink into total disarray.

Another expensive and well publicized Department of Justice operation has been its mad pursuit of "Nazi war criminals," almost a half century after the event, a campaign whose equivalent would be the indictment of Soviet officials of the present regime for mass murders committed during the purges of the 1930s by Stalin. Although these alleged "crimes" took place outside of American jurisdiction, the law merchant principles of our legal system allowed the U.S. government to take action against persons who later became American citizens. Justice set up the Office of Special Investigations, which acted as the U.S. office of the KGB, and also worked closely with Mossad, Israeli Intelligence, to manufacture "evidence" against several elderly American citizens who were claimed to have been "guards" in German concentration camps nearly fifty years ago. Many millions of dollars was expended by OSI to have these elderly victims deported and executed. One of the principals of OSI was Nate Lewine, who mysteriously became the compulsory lawyer of choice for Republican White House executives accused of "influence peddling" and other offenses.

Nate Lewine began his lucrative career at the Department of Justice as a top operative of the "Get Hoffa" squad at the Department (this may have been the cause of John F. Kennedy's assassination). He is a former room mate of Philip Heymann, President Carter's director of the Criminal Division at the Department of Justice, and now at Harvard Law School. Walter Sheridan, chief of the "Get Hoffa" squad, was the dirty tricks mentor of the operation. This group leaped to the defense of Stephen Bryen after he was accused of passing vital defense secrets to Mossad. Bryen is now on the staff his longtime associate, Asst. Secretary of Defense Richard Perle. The vicious assault on John Tower when he was nominated as Secretary of Defense was masterminded by the Mossad group at Defense; they feared that he might balk at their continued espionage on behalf of Israel.

The notorious Office of Special Investigations had been organized at the behest of Congresswoman Elizabeth Holtzman, abetted by Heymann and Lewine. It was set up specifically as a dirty tricks unit of Mossad and the KGB, operating in deep cover at the Departtnent of Justice. Lewine's clients usually went to jail after paying him millions of dollars. He first defended Congressman George Hansen, who was charged with failure to properly fill out ethics reporting forms. His real offense was that he had gone to Iran to try to free American hostages, thus invading the sacred preserves of the Middle East, which had long been the property of Mossad and Israeli politicians. Hansen paid Lewin one million dollars to be sent to federal prison, where his treatment was so brutal that 258 Congressmen petitioned the Bureau of Prisons to alleviate his suffering. Millions of Americans deluged Reagan with demands that Hansen be paroled; all of their requests were thrown into the wastebasket at the White House by the sneering "neocons" who held Reagan captive.

Michael Deaver, Reagan's closest confidant, was the next victim. Lewine charged him three million dollars. Deaver was convicted. Americans have shown little reaction to the procession of Moscow show trials which have been held in Washington since the Watergate episode, "the scandal of the century," in which a Democratic office was burglarized by Republican henchmen. White Republican White House executives have been tried by black Democratic juries, and convicted in every instance, the latest being Oliver North. This is not racism on the part of the juries, as much as it is the "Moscow process," in which Democratic Stalinists are sworn to convict Republican Trotskyite neocons, no matter what the charges or the evidence against them. This mockery of the judicial process is typical of the "law merchant" court system, which functions solely on power and money. No legal standards need apply.

The Office of Special Investigations evolved into a small conspiratorial group of fanatics who assumed control of all Department of Justice operations. This group was known as "Nesher," the Hebrew word for "eagle." Its origins may be found in a book by John J. Dziak, historian of the Defense Intelligence Agency, "Chekisty: A History of the KGB." Dziak exposes a worldwide espionage and assassination bureau run by the KGB through Dr. Max Eitington, a close personal associate of Sigmund Freud. It was Eitington who brought the use of psychiatry and drugs into international espionage. He also prepared the documents for the 1937 secret trial, which resulted in the nine top generals of the Soviet Army being executed. These documents were later revealed to have been prepared by Hitler's Gestapo. Eitington had cooperated fully with Reinhard Heydrich to prepare this "evidence," with the same techniques which were later employed by the U.S. Department of Justice to use fake evidence from the KGB to have American citizens deported and executed by OSI.

Among the many murders arranged by Max Eitington was the murder of Trotsky's son, Leon Sedov, in a Paris hospital; Rudolf Kleist, a German Trotskyite whose decapitated body was found in the Seine; and Walter Krivitsky, a KGB defector who was murdered in a Washington hotel only a few feet from the halls of Congress. Eitington's brother ran the foreign espionage operations of the KGB, the expenses being paid by the income from the Soviet Fur Trust. Max Eitington set up the Berlin Psychiatric Institute, whose graduates later came to the U.S. to establish branches of the Tavistock Institute (the British Army Dept, of Psychological Warfare operation), which has systematically brainwashed officials of the major U.S. foundations and educational institutions.

The Eitington group, known as the Killerati, pioneered in the use of drugs and psychiatry in espionage coups. Its techniques became the basis of the British Secret Intelligence Service and its subsidiary, the Central Intelligence Agency. The Department of Justice takeover by Nesher, the spawn of this unholy group, provided a happy meeting ground for the ostensibly hostile forces of the KGB and Mossad. Provided with unlimited funds by the American taxpayer, they were enabled to carry out their sinister worldwide campaigns of systematic murder and destruction in every nation of the world. Nesher financed hit teams to assassinate Palestinians who were cooperating with the U.S. government, thereby ensuring the continuance of chaos, on which Israel feeds, throughout the Middle East, and resulted in the taking of U.S. hostages, not as retaliation against the U.S., but as protection against further assassination attempts by Mossad. Nesher ousted Duvalier in Haiti, creating widespread chaos and suffering in that nation. Meanwhile, Nesher's principle operative in the U.S. government, Jonathan Pollard, was busily securing thousands of pages of vital U.S. documents for his Israeli employers, in order to assure further economic chaos and foreign diplomatic catastrophes for our nation.

Pollard operated under the aegis of Under Secretary of Defense Fred Ikle, whose Swiss connection is now involved in a vast scandal. Ikle's two principal aides were also prominent in Nesher operations, Richard Perle and Stephen Bryen. They set up another front group, JINS A, the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs, as a cover for their furtive operations, working closely with Moscow Procurator and Soviet Attorney Natalya Kaleznikova, and the mastermind of the Irangate affair, David Kimche, the director of Mossad, who was Pollard's controller. The Pollard coverup was led by Dep. Atty Gen. Arnold Bums and Nate Lewin of Nesher. Bums's law firm handled the books for the Lansky Syndicate operation through Sterling National Bank. Bums set up fifteen illegal tax shelters through Israeli connections, which criminally evaded some forty million dollars in taxes. An investigation into Bums' operations was stopped by DJ's head of the Criminal Division, William Weld, of the Wall Street banking family whose control of the Bank of Boston funnelled payments to Pollard for his espionage operations.

The background of the Nesher group was found to originate in the Swiss espionage and banking interests, one of whose proctors, Tibor Rosenbaum, had financed the Israeli conquest of Palestine. Swiss law enforcement was headed by Elizabeth Tkle Kopp, cousin of Assistant Secretary of Defense Fred Ikle. She was married to Hans Kopp, who headed a billion dollar holding company for espionage groups operating worldwide, the Shakarchi Trading Co. Shakarchi handles enormous sums for CIA, Mossad and other espionage operations. Ten million dollars of Iran Contra proceeds from the illegal sale of Arms to Iran was first deposited in the Chase Manhattan Bank in New York by Arab wheeler dealer Adnan Kashoggi; the money was then transferred to credit Suisse, and later laundered by Shakarchi executives. This money paid for the delivery of 1000 TOW missiles to the CIA, for clandestine delivery to Iranian terrorists. As a result of investigations into the Iran Contra dealings, both Kopp and his wife are now under investigation, while Kashoggi languishes in a Swiss prison. The case is expected to uncover interesting corollaries between the international drug cartel, international espionage, and Israeli intelligence.

The Department of Justice was formerly headed by Ronald Reagan's friend, Edwin Meese III, who publicly denounced the American Civil Liberties Union. Meese was hounded from office, and forced to hire Nate Lewin as his personal attorney to defend him against a host of charges, none of which were ever proved. Meese was then replaced by a Republican from the Eastern Liberal Establishment, Dick Thornburgh, former Governor of Pennsylvania. Thornburgh had formerly been a director of the ACLU! He now heads some 77,000 employees at the Department of Justice, and has announced his intention to dismantle fourteen regional strike forces against organized crime. Under Meese, the personnel of the Department of Justice had grown by 34%, while its achievements dwindled to the point of invisibility. Thornburgh had developed a cozy relationship with the Merrill Lynch stockbroking firm while Governor of Pennsylvania; his largest expenditure was the authorization of an $807 million bond issue to improve the rapidly decaying Pennsylvania Turnpike. He later became a director of Merrill Lynch at a salary of $35,000 a year. Merrill Lynch's former chairman, Donald Regan, was President Reagan's chief of staff in the White House.

The Department of Justice continues to offer a spiritual home to personages who could be most generously described as "kooks." The Washington Post of March 11, 1989 recounted the strange tale of federal prosecutor Judy Russell, who had been widely hailed as "one of the most promising young attorneys in the United States." She faked death threats against herself, and was diagnosed as schizophrenic, "with four distinct personalities." She was found not guilty of obstructing justice "by reason of insanity."

The FBI continued to offer money to a host of odd personalities. A well known member of Richmond, Virginia's City Council, Henry Richardson, had pleaded guilty in February 1988 to the possession of dangerous drugs and drug paraphernalia. He was fined fifty dollars, and received a contract from the FBI to finger other drug users in the city government. His attorney, Michael Morchower, reported in an AP release, April 29, 1989, that "Richardson may have flim-flammed the FBI out of six thousand dollars. . . Mr. Richardson sent the FBI on a wild goose chase that with information that had no value."

Richardson later admitted his heroin addiction, and was being dunned for ten thousand dollars for his "cure" in a local institution.

Attorney General Dick Thornburgh, who had been chosen for this cabinet post by President George Bush, promises to take the Department of Justice on a new, and even more liberal, tack. When we remember that George Bush campaigned actively against the ACFU (his opponent, Michael Dukkakis, boasted that he had long been a member of the ACFU) throughout his presidential campaign, it becomes more puzzling that as soon as he ascended to the White House, Bush immediately chose for his most sensitive Cabinet Post a director of the ACFU.

Thornburgh then announced his most crucial appointment, the selection of his Deputy Attorney General. He named Robert Fiske Jr., a choice which caused cries of rage to emanate from most Republican conservatives. Fiske had long been notorious as the liberal agent of the American Bar Association from 1984 to 1987. As the dominant member of the ABA "screening committee," Fiske had passed on to the most vociferous liberal activist organizations the names of prospective judicial nominees during his years of "screening." These activists then dug up the entire history of each nominee, carefully scrutinizing it for any sign of pro-Americanism. Those who had failed to make ritual obeisance to the nation's most powerful behind the scenes liberal forces had their names tossed into the wastebasket. Only those with tried and true liberal records were given the ABA's recommendation for nomination. The result was that the nation's judicial system became loaded with judges whose personal history embraced drugs, sexual "liberation," and who openly espoused the most violent principles of virulent leftwing organizations.

The ABA screening process was not as important during the administration of Democratic Presidents. Jimmy Carter was notorious for the liberal activists, some three hundred judges, whom he stacked in the nation's courts. However, during Republican Administrations, the ABA screening process was crucial to the Stalinist Democrats as the means to subvert and stall Republican programs. Judges who were suspected of being "conservative" encountered a phalanx of opposition in the ABA screening committee.

In 1985, Fiske was forced to admit that he had indeed sent the names of Reagan's prospective nominees for conservative judicial posts to such well known liberal activists as the Alliance for Justice Judicial Selection Project, to determine if the nominees had any provable record of "bias" towards women or minorities. The result was that Reagan's nominees encountered months of stalling, open animosity, and in many cases, denial of their nomination for judgeships. When Thornburgh nominated Fiske as his Deputy Attorney General, it was seen by Washington insiders as a payoff to a saboteur for his career as a notorious wrecker, destroying Reagan's chances of nominating a more conservative judicial bench. Fiske, whose mother was a Seymour, of a prominent Wall Street family, had become a partner in the prestigious Wall Street firm of Davis Polk and Wardwell. One of Washington's most respected legal observers, Paul Kamenar of the Washington Legal Foundation, described Fiske as "basically a liberal type milieu, Wall Street lawyer, country club type Republican."

Although the previous Attorney General, Edwin Meese HI, had left office under a cloud, having become involved in the notorious Wedtech scandal with the State of Israel, he may be vindicated when one looks at the record of his successor, Dick Thornburgh. A Yale graduate and longtime personal friend of President George Bush, Thornburgh is also a protege of Don Regan, President Reagan's former White House Chief of Staff and head of the giant stockbroking firm, Merrill Lynch. Thornburgh not only became a director of Merrill Lynch; he also is a director of the giant scandal ridden drug store chain, Rite Aid Corporation. The scion of the Rite Aid family, Martin Grass, was arrested in Room 158 at Cleveland's Sheraton Airport Hotel. Prosecutors had seized him as he was in the act of handing a $33,000 check to Melvin Wilcyznski, a voting member of the state pharmacy board. In return, Mr. Wilczysnki had signed an undated letter of resignation from the pharmacy board. The entire incident was videotaped by prosecutors, who had also recorded four prior telephone conversations between Grass, former executive vice president of Rite Aid, who had been recently named president of the firm, and Wilczynski. The news of the arrest caused Rite Aid stock to tumble $1,875 per share, down to $34.75. Rite Aid is the nation's largest drug store chain, with 2270 stores and 28,000 employees. It owns 65 auto parts stores, ADAP, and a 40 store chain of retail bookstores, Encore. It also owns a dry cleaning chain, Begley Corp., of which Martin Grass is director.

Rite Aid's overweening interest in the Ohio State Board of Pharmacy was due to its acquisition of 162 Gray Drug Fair stores in 1987. Rite Aid has 349 stores in Ohio. Members of the State Board of Pharmacy had fined Rite Aid fifty thousand dollars on January 1989, for allowing nonpharmacy employees access to prescription drugs. The board had previously refused to allow Rite Aid a grace period to correct the many drug security problems which were endemic in its stores. The Wall Street Journal account of the affair, an extensive one, stated that Martin Grass had planned to submit Mr. Wilczynski's resignation to Governor Richard J. Celeste, who, as Grass told Wilczynski, had agreed to appoint pharmacists chosen by Rite Aid to fill future vacancies on the state pharmacy board. Prosecutors alleged that Rite Aid was attempting to stop the pharmacy board from proceeding with enforcement actions against it. Investigators had learned that the Grass plan, to which Celeste was claimed to be a party, was to replace three members of the pharmacy board with Rite Aid supporters, and to oust the board's executive director. Ninety of the Gray Drug Fair stores acquired by Rite Aid had been raided in a two day period and charged with not having proper security alarm systems, as well as other violations.

In New York state, Rite Aid had become involved in another imbroglio when the firm's vice president for governmental affairs and trade relations threatened to boycott the New York State Employees Prescription Plan, when new rates were proposed in 1986. The Federal Trade Commission then charged Rite Aid with illegally forcing an increased reimbursement rate on prescriptions, a move which subsequently cost New York State an added seven million dollars in charges.

A well known Wall Street drug chain analyst noted that "Marty wanted to show his father that he could handle anything which came up during his presidency. At this rate, he will never be named president of the Federation of Jewish Philanthropies (a position carrying great personal prestige in the community). " The analyst was referring to the record of Marty Grass's father, Alex Grass, a Miami lawyer who had married into the hierarchy of Rite Aid stores. He married Lois Lehrman (the Lehrman family are the chief stockholders in Rite Aid). Grass later became chief operating officer of the giant drug firm, leading to his zooming to a prominent role in community philanthropies. He is currently listed as chairman of the United Jewish Appeal, the Israel Endowment Fund, the Jewish Federation, the Jewish Agency for Israel, and the Israel Center for Social and Economic Studies. He is the brother-in-law of the well known neoconservative, Lewis Lehrman, who led in the purchase of the Republican Party by wealthy neo-conservatives in 1980. While he was still president of Rite Aid stores, Lehrman ran for Governor of New York, breaking all spending records in his campaign, which was unsuccessful. Although his campaign of loyalists assured him that "A Jewish candidate can't lose in New York," he insisted on spending seven million dollars for TV ads, while his successful opponent, Cuomo, spent only one and a half million. Cuomo 's campaign workers had also assured him that he could not lose, telling him that "A Roman Catholic Italian can't lose in New York." When the votes were counted, they were right.

Lehrman then promoted himself as an arch conservative, endowing his own "rightwing thinktank," which he modestly named "the Lewis Lehrman Institute." Lehrman is also a chief financial backer of such well known "conservative" groups as the Heritage Foundation, which is led by a British Fabian Socialist, and the American Enterprise Institute, both of which are Rockefeller sponsored agitprop operations masquerading as "rightwing political groups."

Lehrman had already won some recognition (principally through his favorite magazine, the National Review), as the ideological genius behind President Reagan's famous "supply side revolution." Lehrman was also an ardent advocate of the "goldbug" principles of the French economist, Jacques Rueff. Lehrman then became the mentor of a former liberal, David Stockman, who had switched sides when the Republicans gained the ascendancy. When Stockman and his cohort, Jack Kemp (now Bush's cabinet choice as head of the giant Health Education and Welfare boondoggle in Washington) published a controversial report early in the Reagan administration warning of "an approaching economic Dunkirk," it was common knowledge in Washington that they had merely plagiarized an earlier Lehrman Report reaching the same conclusion.

In 1977, Lewis Lehrman placed three million dollars of his rapidly burgeoning personal fortune into the Lehrman Institute, which he installed in a luxurious Manhattan townhouse. When Lehrman announced his intention of running for the Governorship of New York, the Lehrman family stock in Rite Aid was worth $92 million, of which Lewis Lehrman's share was $60 million. During his campaign, the stock increased in value by ten points, reaching a high of 40 on the exchange. Wall Street analysts apparently believed that the Rite Aid firm would benefit financially by having its principal stockholder in the Governor's seat. In fact, Lehrman spent some ten million during his campaign, while his stock holdings in Rite Aid increased by $15 million, meaning that he had realized a tidy increase of $5 million in his personal fortune by seeking public office. This was a unique twist to the usual pattern of events in the United States political domain, whereby poor farmboys dedicate themselves to a life of public service and wind up with fifty million dollars worth of corporate stock, as did the late Lyndon Baines Johnson.

Lewis Lehrman had long been one of a very small group of gods in William Buckley's pantheon, routinely eulogized in the pages of the CIA agitprop sheet, the National Review; Lehrman's companions in this strange pantheon were Sir James Goldsmith, a relative and partner of the Rothschilds of Europe; Bill Casey, director of the CIA; Jeane Kirkpatrick, known as "Miss Israel" of the Washington set; and Milton Friedman, the tireless spokesman of the Rothschilds' Viennese School of Economics. These gods were known collectively as the "neocons," intellectual slang for "neoconservatives," who were well represented on the board of directors of the Trotskyite priesthood in the United States, the Rockefeller financed League for Industrial Democracy, the old Socialist Workers Party (Valhalla of the martyred Leon Trotsky, a victim of Stalin's insatiable urge to kill). The Rockefeller fascination with Trotsky dated back to the heady days of 1917, when old John D. himself saw Trotsky off to spark the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. John D. charitably stuffed ten thousand dollars into Trotsky's pocket as he embarked on his career of world revolution, a startling departure from Rockefeller's standard gift of one dime to those of whom he approved.

Despite Lehrman's image as a loser, which was compounded by his aura of great wealth, and his habit of buying those whom he wished to impress, the pages of the National Review sparkled with tributes to Lehrman's great deeds in peddling aspirin to the public. William Buckley also has a daily newspaper column, in which he rolled out his big guns to support Lehrman's candidacy (Oct. 26, 1982), praising Lehrman as "a brilliant public servant" who was also "prominent in Jewish affairs." Lehrman later discovered that hardly anyone in New York read Buckley's outpourings, which may explain why he lost.

Frustrated in his drive for the governorship of New York, which would bring the coveted White House into view, as witness the strange career of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Lehrman threw his money and influence behind the political career of Jack Kemp, who proved as difficult to sell to the American public as Lehrman himself. National Review described Kemp as "the political fugleman of the Lew Lehrman economic school." Despite Lehrman's influential backing, Jack Kemps' quest for the Presidency, along with Lehrman's other political ambitions, sank without a trace.

Lehrman's fortune originated with his grandfather, an itinerant peddler whose principal stock, as his grandson was fond of recalling, consisted of shoelaces and sugar. The grandfather finally accumulated enough cash to open a small grocery store, which, as so often happens in our climate of creating wealth, became a large wholesale grocery chain. When the accountants' reports showed that the profits from drugs far exceeded the much smaller returns on meat and potatoes, the elder Lehrman went into the retail drug business. After the millions had piled up, his grandson. Lew, was able to marry a Protestant, Louise Stillman, a member of New York's most prestigious banking family, and the historic bankers (National City Bank, now Citibank) of Rockefeller's billions of income from Standard Oil, the world's most successful monopoly. Two of the Stillman daughters had married into the Rockefeller family, which brought Lew Lehrman into the family's golden aura. As a student at Harvard, Lew Lehrman was awarded a Carnegie teaching fellowship and a Woodrow Wilson fellowship. It has long been a truism in the more august Ivy League establishments that great family wealth should not be considered a deterrent to a student receiving fellowships, even though the donors may have originally intended them for needy scholars.

Alex Grass, the Miami lawyer who married Lew's sister, was also prospering with Rite Aid. The political campaign which increased Lew's fortune by some twenty per cent had a corresponding effect on Alex and his wife Lois' holdings. However, Alex Grass became oppressed by growing envy and dislike of his more famous brother-in-law, a situation which was deftly profiled by writer Michael Kramer in New York Magazine. Grass promptly filed a $24 million defamation suit against New York, of which nothing has been heard in recent years. Kramer noted in New York's issue of April 5, 1982, from lengthy discussions with Rite Aid executives, that "Alex has always been jealous of Lew." There had been considerable infighting within the firm for years, as Alex and Lew each battled to support his claims that he and he alone had been responsible for the phenomenal growth of Rite Aid and its burgeoning profits. No mean publicist himself, Alex Grass had chosen to promote himself through immersion in Jewish affairs, finally achieving the most desired position in Jewish philanthropy, when he was named national chairman of the United Jewish Appeal. Lehrman continued to devote himself to "public affairs," hiring Robert F. Kennedy's dynamic speechwriter, Adam Walinsky, to draft his pronunciamentoes. The rivalry between the relatives finally subsided when Lehrman withdrew from active participation in the firm, and Alex was able to name his son as president. Insiders believe that it was the Grasses' frantic determination to "show up" Lew which led to Marty's involvement in the Ohio bribery scandal. As previously noted, the deep involvement of the new Attorney General with the scandals of Rite Aid raises serious questions as to the motives of President Bush's drive for a "kindler and gentler America," but not necessarily a more honest one.

In addition to Thornburgh, other directors of the Rite Aid firm are Richard Kogan, president of the drug firm Schering Plough, a three billion dollar operation. Kogan also has the requisite London connection, being a director of one of England's Big Five banks, National Westminster, which provided the most recent choice to head the Bank of England. Kogan's fellow directors at Schering Plough include William A. Schreyer, chairman of Merrill Lynch; Harold McGraw, chairman of the business publishing giant, McGraw Hill; Virginia Dwyer, director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Eaton Corp., Georgia Power, and the Southern Company, which has been much in the news recently; and James Wood, chairman of A&P Co.

Federal agencies have shown no curiosity as to whether Kogan's position as head of one of the nation's largest drug manufacturers poses a conflict of interest with his position as director of the nation's largest retail drug operation. Other directors of Rite Aid are Leonard Stem, Philip Neivert, Henry Taub and Gerald Tsai Jr. Formerly known as the Boy Wonder of Wall Street, Tsai is now chairman of the holding company, Primerica, which owns the Wall Street investment firm, Smith Barney Co., and Continental Life, as well as Fingerhut, a textile firm grossing $800 million a year.

Directors of Primerica include Washington's most famous wheeler dealer, Joseph Califano Jr., known as the highest priced lawyer-lobbyist in Washington, and former Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, the world's largest boondoggle. Charles Hugel is also director of Primerica; he is chairman of Combustion Engineering Co., one of the nation's most fervent proponents of "trade with Soviet Russia" and USTEC, the secretive "businessman's organization" which is desperately trying to salvage the collapsing economy of the Soviet Union, all expenses to be paid by the American taxpayer, and to rescue the Leninist-Marxist philosophy of government from well-deserved oblivion. Califano serves with Hugel on the board of Combustion Engineering. Hugel is also chairman of RJR Nabisco, director of Pitney Bowes, and director of the Eaton Corp., the creation of the late Cyrus Eaton, a protege of John D. Rockefeller who became famous for his connections to the Soviet KGB through his sponsorship of the mysterious "Pugwash Conferences," and who was advertised for years in the American press as "the nation's most pro-Communist financier."

The final director of the present Rite Aid Corp. to attract our attention is Henry Taub, chairman of the giant Automatic Data Processing Corp. ($1.38 billion a year). The firm's finances are handled by Manufacturers Hanover Bank in New York, the Rothschild Bank, according to little-known Congressional hearings. Its directors include Alan Greenspan, a director of J. P. Morgan Co., who is now in charge of the nation's monetary system as chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors; Joseph Califano, previously mentioned; Laurence Tisch, the tycoon who swallowed the CBS media giant; and Frederick Malek, known as one of the pillars of the fallen Nixon Administration.

Although Rite Aid's officers and directors have many historic connections with the fate of the embattled Middle East country, Israel, none are more prominent than Henry Taub. He is a director of American Technion, which provides funds for Israel's burgeoning science industry; the Bank Leumi Trust, which financed the takeover of Palestine from the Arabs through Tibor Rosenbaum of Switzerland and points west, and other Jewish agencies. A former director of Rite Aid, and protege of the Lehman political drive, is Maxwell Rabb, the grey eminence of the Eisenhower Administration, who for many years has represented "American" interests as the United States Ambassador to Italy. Another prominent Washington wheeler dealer who interlocks with Rite Aid is H. Guyford Stever, director of Schering-Plough, who has held many important government posts in such agencies as NASA, the National Science Foundation, president of Camegie-Mellon University, chairman of the U.S.-U.S.S.R. Joint Committee for Science and Technology, board of governors of the Israel Science Foundation, and director of the giant defense contractor, TRW Corp. Stever is a member of the exclusive Cosmos Club of Washington, and the famed Bohemian Club of California, where the elite meet to plan their personal goals for the great American future.

The sinister combination of banking and legal interests exposed in these connections has been itemized in great detail in this writer's book, "THE WORLD ORDER." Confirmation of its conclusions are to be found in the dramatic show trials held in Washington in recent years, in which persons suspected of "conservativism" were deliberately pilloried by the devotees of One World, the historic liberal political movement. To protect themselves in the courts, these special interests have gone to great lengths to ensure that the cases would be heard by judges who were proven to be sympathetic to their hidden goals. The instrumentality has been an agency of which few Americans have ever heard, the American Bar Association's Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary. This relatively unknown group, elected by no one, has exercised a virtual veto power over judicial nominees for many years, confining its approval to those prospective judges with an extensive record of service to its largely unpronounced but well known and well understood goals.

An editorial in the Wall Street Journal of March 22, 1989 noted that "Politics disguised as objective evaluation characterized the ABA's quasi-official role in judicial selection during the Reagan years." The Washington Legal Foundation, a public interest group, is now suing the ABA, because the Standing Committee refused to give this conservative foundation information on nominees which it had willingly shared with leftwing groups. The standing committee has maintained its principles of closed deliberations and secretive voting, much like its preceptor, the secretive Federal Board Reserve Board of Governors. The WLF lawsuit was based on the ABA's well established record of sending information on prospective judicial nominees to the NAACP, People for the American Way, the ACLU, and other prominent liberal operations, while steadfastly denying this information to conservative groups such as the WLF. The ABA process ensured the nomination of liberal activist judges which now plague the American bench, and which represent the rape of justice for most Americans who do not fall into that category. The Washington Legal Foundation maintained that:

"The investigations have been conducted and are continuing to be conducted in such a way as to penalize or discredit candidates who hold or profess conservative principles or ideology, and to delay or prevent their nomination by the President."

In response, the ABA maintains that it only investigates "the judicial temperament" of nominees, but fails to explain why it only sends the names of prospective judicial candidates to leftwing organizations. ABA committee member Stewart Dunnings has testified that they wanted to confine judicial selection to candidates who had an affirmative action commitment. Susan Liss, director of the People for the American Way, revealed that it was routine for the ABA to give the names of potential candidates to the Alliance for Justice, an umbrella group of civil rights organizations such as the NAACP and ACLU. This practice allowed these groups to mount an offensive against prospective candidates long before their names had reached the President, or before conservative groups could defend them. Sen. Orrin Hatch described this process as follows: "It exercises a virtual veto over our judicial nominees."

Sen. Gordon Humphrey also has forcefully objected to the sinister behind the scenes operation of the ABA, stating to the Senate Judiciary Committee that "the system is a mouldering, corrupt, malodorous old relic which should be given a quick burial for the sake of public health." Sen. Humphrey then wrote a letter to President Bush complaining that during Robert Fiske's tenure as chairman of the ABA Standing Committee, "there is evidence that committee evaluations were tainted with ideological bias against conservative nominees selected by President Reagan." He stated that Fiske had leaked the names of prospective nominees to activist liberal groups which could target them for reprisal even before their names had been announced to the public.

Despite these protests, Atty. Gen. Thornburgh announced on June 2, 1989 that his choice of Fiske as his Deputy Atty. Gen. still stood, and that he intended to continue to send the names of prospective judicial nominees to the ABA Standing Committee. Thornburgh claimed that the committee had promised to change its liberal bias, whereupon the committee members promptly retorted that they had not changed and had no intention of changing their methods of approving judicial candidates. They continued to deny that religious or philosophical stands of candidates affected their conditions of approval, despite the fact that the Wall Street Journal editorial page gave considerable space to the protest of Arthur Schwab on April 11, 1989, that the ABA had blocked his judicial appointment for religious and political reasons, mainly because he was a practicing Christian. He submitted a 20 page recitation of his complaint concerning a three year "investigation" of his candidacy by the ABA. His nomination to the Third Circuit Court of Appeals in Pennsylvania was withdrawn by President Reagan, because he could not win approval by the ABA. The committee member assigned to question him, Jerome Shestack, is known as one of the most liberal of the 15 man Standing Committee. He pointedly asked Schwab why his children went to a Christian school, even though the ABA claims they do not take religious affiliation into account in approving prospective nominees. Shestack was also a director of the far-left Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, and served on a Joe Biden for President Committee, even while the ABA was masterminding the Biden Judiciary Committee assault on Robert Bork.

The determination of the World Order to prevent the selection of any judicial appointee who was not committed to their sinister international program has not only been a rape of justice; it has been the handmaiden of the rape of the entire American people. The consequences of this campaign are now raging in Washington, in what is being called "a feeding frenzy," as conservatives take their revenge for the outrages committed against their candidates during the past thirty years by the ABA Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary.

The liberal conspiracy against conservative candidates reached its apogee in the Moscow show hearings on the candidacy of Judge Robert Bork for the Supreme Court, followed by the widely leaked ABA report on his nominal successor, Judge Douglas Ginsberg, who was said to have smoked a marijuana cigarette some years earlier. The greatly over-extended Bork Hearings caused a breakdown of Americans' confidence in the processes of government, which was reflected in the 500 point drop in the stock market in the October 1987 Crash. This was followed by the prosecution of Congressman George Hansen on charges of "ethics violations," charges which were based on the fact that he had not entered some items on the proper line, at a time when most Congressmen admitted they did not know how to properly fill out the newly required forms.

Hansen, a Republican, and a Mormon from a Western State, Idaho, was pilloried because he had long been an outspoken critic of brutal abuses by agents of the Internal Revenue Service against American citizens, and because he had nterfered in the politics of the Middle East. Because Hansen had flown to Iran to try to secure the release of American hostages, and thereby imperilled a billion dollar operation of the Chase Manhattan Bank, he was chosen for crucifixion. None other than Nate Lewin, of the Department of Justice infamous Office of Special Investigations was hired to defend Hansen. Lewin charged Hansen a million dollars to defend him; Hansen was duly convicted on orders of Mossad for having dared to barge into the sewer of Middle Eastern political conspiracy, where he was not wanted. He served every day of his sentence, in the most brutal of the federal prisons, at Petersburg, Va., despite pleas from 258 Congressmen that he be released on parole. He was judged "too dangerous" to the minions of the World Order to be allowed early parole, despite the fact that the court records showed he had not profited from the alleged "violations."

The brutal treatment meted out to Congressman Hansen alerted some Congressmen to the fact that they had to fight back or be destroyed. They now went after the most notorious of the wheeler dealers in Washington, the Democratic Speaker of the House, James Wright. Wright was one of the most dedicated leftwingers in Congress, and had upheld the Stalinist war against the Trotskyite Republican effort to aid die Contra movement in Nicaragua. A list of 69 ethical violations was drawn up against Wright, although the Wall Street Journal stated that the original list had numbered 116, but had been cut almost in half by those who wished to protect Wright from the consequences of his own actions.

At the height of the investigation, Wright was further compromised by a family matter. His personal protege, John Mack, whose brother had married Wright's daughter, was found to have received extremely favorable treatment after committing one of the Washington area's most shocking crimes. In 1973, Mack had lured a twenty year old girl into the back room of a discount store where he was employed. He seized a hammer and smashed in her skull with repeated blows, exposing her brain in five areas. He then stabbed her five times in the breast near her heart, leaving part of her heart exposed, and then slashed her repeatedly across the throat. He then carried the body of his victim, Pamela Small, to her car, and drove her to a remote area, where he left her for dead. Amazingly enough, she revived some eight hours later, and drove to an Exxon station, where she persuaded the attendant to get her to a hospital. She then underwent seven hours of surgery; her left lung had collapsed and her heart required extensive repair.

Mack was subsequently arrested, and powerful influences swung into effect to defend him. He was merely charged with "malicious wounding," and received a 15 year sentence. Instead of being sent to state prison, he served his time in the county jail, where he worked as a cook. Congressman Wright had written to the judge, offering Mack a job even before he was sentenced. With this opportunity awaiting him, Mack was released after 27 months. Wright obtained a job for him in the Congressional mail room at $9000 a year (the present writer earned a mere $1500 a year as a deck attendant at the Library of Congress, but had no Congressional patron).

As Wright's influence grew, so did that of his protege. John Mack became the executive director of the Democratic Steering and Policy Committee, and was described by reporters as the most influential Congressional staff administrator on Capitol Hill. However, Mack's victim continued to live and work in the Washington area. Several years ago in 1987, Wright's office summoned the leading newspapermen in Washington, the Capitol Hill reporters for the Washington Post, the New York Times, and the Wall Street Journal, for a consultation on the Mack affair. The goal was to prevent an approaching firestorm about the Small assault. These reporters, including the CBS representative, agreed that it was "an old story," and that it had no foreseeable interest. The reporters now admit that "they blew it." What seems more likely is that they had the opportunity to curry favor with the most powerful politician on Capitol Hill, Jim Wright, who was third in line for the presidency of the United States, and that they did it the Washington way.

When the story broke in the Washington Post on May 4, 1989, the usual efforts at "damage control" were taken. Wright issued a statement to the press that he was not "told the details of the crime," apparently giving the impression that he thought Mack had been charged with jaywalking. Wright's statement praised Mack as "an exemplary and truly inspiring person. . . outstanding. . . remarkable capacity for intellectual growth." Other Democratic leaders joined Wright in effusive praise for Mack's accomplishments. His wife was serving as executive assistant to Congressman Mavroules, a leading Democrat. In fact, Mack had exhibited the highest qualities for political activity, an instinct for the jugular, blood lust, and capacity for direct action such as cold blooded attempted murder. This writer has repeatedly lectured on the element of criminality in those who seek political office; Mack now verified the strongest statements on the matter.

In the face of the Democratic chorus of praise for this remarkable human being, stories of other acts committed by Mack surfaced. The Democratic phalanx of defenders was shaken by the defection of several radical feminists, who were alarmed by the fact that Mack had never apologized for his acts, or sought to make any restitution to his victim—she had taken care of her own hospital expenses. Congresswoman Pat Schroeder and other women on Capitol Hill expressed their unease at having to deal with Mack in their political lives, and because Mack's defense of his actions had been that he had been under "stress" (Washington traffic is indeed very stressful), Schroeder publicly showed concern that he might again be overtaken by "stress" while she was in his office discussing Democratic Party policies of which he was the final arbiter. In the face of these protests, Wright suggested to Mack that he had better resign, a decision which was motivated by the fact that Wright was now battling for his own political survival. Mack's departure did little to help him, and Wright finally announced his own resignation. The Associated Press noted that he received a standing ovation from his colleagues in the House.

Another leading Democratic liberal, Congressman Tony Coelho, then announced that he was resigning as Democratic Party whip, and leaving politics. He found it difficult to explain his association with the junk bond king, Michael Milken, who earned $500 million last year, and who apparently tried to share the wealth by cutting Coelho in on a deal or two. The Post revealed that Congressman Tommy Robinson had a 22 year old model on his staff, who was being paid $60,000 a year. He owed her father $100,000, (Jerry Jones, a wealthy oilman who owns the Dallas Cowboys).

The Republican National Committee, in commenting on Coelho 's imminent departure, responded to Coelho's spirited defense of John Mack, who happened to be his business partner, that it was the second time that Coelho had come to the defense of a man convicted of an attack on a woman. This was followed by an apology from the Committee, after being informed that the first time Coelho had defended a man convicted of an attack, it had been on a boy, not on a woman. Such are the pitfalls of describing the public sewers of Washington.

Although the press delicately refrained from dwelling upon the details of Coelho's intervention on behalf of a convicted felon, the New Republic, in its issue of June 12, 1989, noted that the Congressman had not only intervened on behalf of his business partner and personal political confidante, John Paul Mack, but also on behalf of David Weichert. Weichert was the son of John Weichert, a 1982 Coelho campaign contributor who had donated several thousand dollars to the cause of Coelho. He now asked Coelho to intervene on behalf of his son, who was about to be sentenced for the crime of first degree murder. This crime was brutal enough to be compared to the Mack assault. Weichert had kidnapped, tortured and killed a retarded youth because he feared the youth might testify against him in a burglary case. Weichert choked the youth, then stabbed him, beat him furiously with a baseball bat, and forced him to dig his own grave. According to the account of his accomplice, he threw the youth into the grave while he was still alive, seized the shovel and threw in the earth, burying his victim alive. Coelho immediately went to bat for the murderer, contacting the judge, and giving him to understand that as an influential Washington politician, he had a deep concern over this case. The judge apologetically informed Coelho that he could do very little about the sentence, as conviction for this crime now carried a mandatory sentence of life in prison.

In the wake of Wright's resignation, columnist R. Emmett Tyrell Jr. noted that one of Wright's aides had been imprisoned for tax evasion, while Wright's press aide and righthand man in dealing with the media, George Mair, had written a titillating work in 1982, titled "The Sex Book Digest: A Peek Between the Covers of 113 of the most Erotic, Exotic and Edifying Sex Books."

The Democratic Party had maintained control of the House of Representatives with the coalition welded by Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the early 1930s with the able assistance of Bella Moscowitz, a leading New York Communist organizer. This was a consensus of Communists, blacks, the Mafia, and various other special interest groups, which exercised iron control over the corrupt political machines of the nation's largest cities. Although this weird coalition could control the House, it could not deliver a Presidential majority, resulting in a Republican Administration held at bay by an activist and fanatical Communist and Zionist Democratic alliance. Paralyzed by this impasse, the nation sank into deeper disarray, its assets being stripped by a horde of eager aliens, while the infrastructure built at such cost and effort by previous generations rotted into oblivion, seemingly beyond repair.

Alarmed Democratic leaders, with the blood of Robert Bork, John Tower and other Presidential appointees on their hands, now shrieked that the "feeding frenzy" must end, that the departure of Wright, Mack and Coelho should have satisfied those who mourned the ritual slaughter of George Hansen, Robert Bork and John Tower at the hands of a fanatical Stalinist Democratic Congressional hit team. However, Republican leaders noted that they still had long lists of other Democratic stalwarts with even longer lists of ethical and financial violations. Despite the rape of justice, the struggle goes on.