Reds in America - Richard M. Whitney


Communist Activities in Americas       Relations with CPUSA       Adaptation to American Conditions       News Letters       Workers' Party       Next Tasks of the CPUSA       Bolshevik Moles

Appendix A: Communist Activity in the Americas

"If the workers of this country would fight American capitalism on all fronts they must make common cause with the Latin-American masses. In Mexico, Cuba, Chile the exploited masses are fighting out a class struggle which is part and parcel of our own. There is a fundamental interrelation between the proletarian movements of the Western Hemisphere. The sooner the working class of the United States, as well as of Latin-America, becomes conscious of this interrelation, the more quickly will it be able to utilize the power arising from it.

American Imperialism

"The United States is no longer a national State: It is an empire, in which the chief foreign field for exploitation is Latin-America. The capital with which Latin-America is exploited is American capital. The Standard Oil Company, the Harvester Trust, the Copper Trust, the United Fruit Company and other combines hold enormous fiefs in Mexico, Central America, the West Indies and South America. Back of these is the Money Trust.

"Of the $5,000,000,000 that American capitalists have invested abroad, $3,188,000,000 is in Latin America- This has given the American capitalists the power to inspire or frustrate Central American revolutions, seize control of customs, issue currency and completely dominate the policies of national governments in many Latin-American states.

"When direct pressure fails, the capitalists have always at their disposal the services of the State Department and the military forces of the United States. United States marines maintain 'law and order' in Haiti and Santo Domingo for the National City Bank. In Nicaragua, American troops patrol the streets and the American flag flies over the National Palace. General Crowder, as the representative of the United States Government, is forcing upon the National Government of Cuba a loan of $50,000,000 in defiance of both houses of the national legislature. There is not a country in Central America of the West Indies over which does not hang constantly the threat of American invasion.

Wall Street Extending Its Sway

"With a large part of Latin-America already in its grasp, American capital is steadily fastening its grip upon wider and wider areas.

"Before the war the interests of American capitalists in South America were negligible. In 1916 they involved $285,000,000; today the investment in municipal and government bonds alone exceeds $600,000,000. Wall Street has already become master of the destinies of Venezuela, Colombia and Peru. Native Latin-American capital has never been a factor in any of the Latin-American countries. It is true that before the war European capital, principally British, predominated in Argentina and Uruguay, and was a serious competitor in other South American countries. But this has all been changed. The United States now leads the field and is increasing its investments, while European investments fall off.

Danger to American Workers

"Latin-America supplies an outlet for surplus capital and enables American capitalists to derive added strength to resist the demands of workers in this country. The oil, copper and fibres of Mexico, the copper of Chile, the beef and grain of Argentina and the many other raw materials of Latin-America constitute a fund on which American capitalists could draw in an emergency, as in case of strikes.'.

"At present gangs of Latin-American workers are brought into this country on a system of contract labor, or engancko, to work in scab industries. With the spread of American imperialism, this system is bound to grow.

"Moreover, to hold in subjection the ever increasing masses of Latin-American workers that are falling under American exploitation a strong military machine will be built up, which will be used against the American working class.

Strike-Breaking in Latin-America

"A short time ago there was a general strike in Cuba. American battleships sailed into Havana harbor and under the threat of armed intervention, the strike was broken. In Venezuela, the brutal dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gomez, backed and supported by the approving United States Government, crushes every liberating impulse of the toiling masses. A similar condition prevails in Guatemala, where the amiable Orellana rules. At the point of the bayonet, American marines compel Haitian and Dominican laborers to toil in chain gangs out on the hot roads. The method of the exploitation of the ragged Mexican worker by American industrial magnates is more akin to the system pursued here and in addition it counts with the whole hearted co-operation, sometimes more or less disguised, of the Obregon Government.

The Latin-American Workers cannot Fight Alone

"The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin-American countries has opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly developed bourgeoisie of the most powerful capitalistic nation of the world, with all the military resources of the United States at its command. The fight is unequal. Isolated, the Latin-American workers cannot hope to defend their interests successfully against their mighty adversary. They need us as well as we need them. A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin-America is well-nigh impossible until there is a revolution in the United States. Wall Street, with its billions of dollars, imperilled, would crush it immediately. American imperialism, economic and political, is the instrument of exploitation throughout the western world. In Latin-America, as in the United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a struggle against Wall Street.

A United Front Against Wall Street

"What the workers of this country know from contact with capitalism must be supplemented by the actual experiences of the workers who have endured these hardships to which colonial people are subjected. The proletariat of all the Americas must be welded into a lighting unit to combat American capital wherever its influence extends.

"The objective forces of the struggle have already called forth several rather inadequate attempts at common action, and both in Mexico and Argentina there have been repeated moves toward All-American unity. However, the only real organization claiming to speak for this country and Latin America is the Pan-American Federation of Labor. Being in reality a barefaced effort on the part of Samuel Gompers and his machine to exploit the impulse toward solidarity, the Pan-Amercian Federation of Labor has never won the confidence of the Latin-American masses, who, in fact, regard it suspiciously, as another instrument of the Monroe Doctrine. It has been used by the Gompers machine to thwart the Latin-American workers in their efforts to combat the American imperialism.

"The Pan-American Federation of Labor has failed, hitherto, because it did not truly voice the aspirations of the Latin-American proletariat. There can be no successful joint movement except on the basis of the Class Struggle and a militant fight against American imperialism. An organization must be built up that will fight American imperialism at every step, as well as carry on the struggle against capitalism, through joint strike action, international agreements, etc., under the leadership of the Red Labor Union International. This means that the militant minorities in the few labor organizations that now belong to the Pan-American Federation of Labor must try to win over their separate national bodies to such a program as will assure the participation of the great mass of Latin-American workers now on the outside. In this work the Communist parties of the various countries must take the leading part.

The Communist Parties

"But this is only one phase of the Communist task- The struggle is political as well as economic. The Communist parties will have to educate the workers to an understanding of their common interests, give them political directives, prevent them from wasting their energies in futile pseudo-revolutions engineered by political adventurers, and marshal them for the overthrow of capitalism and American imperialism. The Communist parties of all Americas should be in constant touch with one another. They must formulate an all-American program and function as a unit in its support. The Communist International is and must remain the head and center of the revolutionary proletarian movement in all countries, but the needs of the unified struggle in the Americas require supplementary contact with the Communist parties directly involved. This does not imply autonomy, but is merely an administrative measure made necessary by the unity of capitalism in the west.

Why American Workers Must Lead

"The United States is the radiating center of western capitalism ai well as imperialism, a circumstance which gives the American working class the advantage of a central perspective. Furthermore, the forces of capitalism not being so highly developed in Latin-America, the Latin-American proletariat, while often finely militant in temper, is inexperienced and immature as a class- The frequent revolutions in Central and South America have often little to do with the Class Struggle, although this cry is raised at times by political opportunists whose purpose is to gain personal support by playing upon the feelings of tha masses. Socialist parties appear that are socialist only in name. Although there do exist splendid revolutionary parties in Latin-America, the proletarian movement is in many respects perverted and distorted, beyond anything we know in the United States. With some notable exceptions, the Communist parties are numerically insignificant and all have been out of contact with the stream of the world movement.

"To achieve all-American Communist unity, it falls naturally upon the Communists of this country to take the lead.

All-American Communist Conference

"The first step is for the Communist Parties of all the Americas to get together in conference. The Communist party of America should send out a call for a conference to be held in Moscow following the Fourth Congress of the Communist International.

"The conference must not be interpreted to mean merely a gathering of these comrades who happen to be delegates to the Fourth Congress, hut a serious effort should be made to secure a full representation of all Communist parties in the Western Hemisphere, even if it is necessary for the Comintern to pay traveling expenses.

"The following is proposed as a tentative agenda:

"(1) Role of the all-American proletarian in the World Revolution.

"(2) United action against American imperialism.

"(3) The Pan-American Federation of Labor and the Red Labor Union International.

"(4) The tempo of the revolutionary movement in the Americas. "(5) Special tasks of the proletariat in each country.

"(6) The united labor front in the Americas.

"(7) Co-ordination of the Communist activities.

"(8) An all-American technical committee, for translation and distribution of literature, etc."

Appendix B: Relations Between 'One' and 'Two'


"All experience in the modern class struggle proves that the working class can emerge victorious only after developing an organ of leadership in the form of a highly disciplined Communist party, thoroughly conscious of revolutionary principles and tactics. The first task of Communists is, therefore, to develop such a party.


"While the Communist party is the organ of leadership and bears the heaviest brunt of the fight, the revolution is an action of broad masses of the exploited sections of the population extending far beyond the limit of the numerical strength to which a highly conscious disciplined party can be developed. The final struggle for power by the working class is not the result of a revolutionization of the minds of the masses through merely theoretical propaganda, agitation and education. It develops out of the irreconcilable conflict of the interests of the classes. This conflict is first shown in the minor struggles of the workers for their existence. The minor struggles clarify the fundamental conflict of class interests, thus bringing class consciousness and leading toward the major struggle for power. Education and propaganda, though necessary to build the revolutionary party, would, if taken alone, build a sterile sect, utterly impotent to deal with mass action. The major task of the revolutionary party in regard to the broad masses of workers is, therefore, not abstract propaganda and abstract theoretical education, hut participation in all the struggles of the workers as the most active force.


"The leadership of the masses of the exploited can be attained only by directly engaging in all their struggles, together with the masses of the workers. In a country where political conditions permit the possibility of mass political organization of the working class, the revolutionary party can not secure leadership without securing a powerful, and finally dominant position among such mass political organizations of the workers. This essentially implies a PUBLIC contact with the masses. In America, it has become the most urgent immediate task of the Communists to secure a public, open, so-called 'legal' existence as an organization.


"A truly revolutionary (i. e. Communist) party can never be 'legal' in the sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of the laws made by the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of capitalist law. Hence, to call a Communist party 'legal' means that its existence is tolerated by the capitalist state because of circumstances which embarrass the capitalist state's efforts to suppress it. The revolutionary party can avoid suppression into a completely secret existence only by one or both of two means:

"a. By taking advantage of the pretenses of 'democratic forms' which the capitalist state is obliged to maintain. By this means the Communists can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program while establishing themselves with mass support.

"b. (Later stage) By commanding such mass support among side masses of workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their final object in the revolutionary struggle and manoeuvre openly to attain this object regardless of the desire of the capitalist state to suppress it. It is necessary at the present time (and circumstances make it the most urgent immediate need) to resort to the first of the before-mentioned methods of open contact with the working masses; which means to maintain an open political party with a modified name and restricted program. The second of these two conditions must be reached by the Communist party of America. We seek to have an open Communist party as soon as this can possibly be attained.

"As to whether a legal Communist party is possible the test is whether the Communist party program including the advocacy of the principle of mass action and violent overthrow of the capitalist state together with affiliation to the Communist International can be publicly advocated without being suppressed.


"A legal political party with such restrictions can not replace the Communist party. It must also serve as an instrument in the complete control of the Communist party, for getting public contact with the masses. It must mobilize the elements of the workers most sympathetic to the Communist cause, with a program going as far toward the Communist program as possible while maintaining a legal existence. It must, with a course of action in daily participation in the workers' struggle, apply Communist tactics and principles and thus win the trust of the masses and prepare them for the leadership of the Communist party. It must organize the sympathetic workers into a framework that will later become the framework of an open Communist party, taking care systematically to educate the workers in the 'legal' party in principles, tactics and discipline, so as to fit them to become members of the Communist party. Thus the building of a legal political party with a modified name and program will prepare the field for an open Communist party strong enough to stand in the open and capable of leading in the revolutionary struggle.


"The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the violent overthrow of the capitalist state. To accept this view is to accept the certainty that the capitalist state will find itself in violent conflict with the masses led by the Communist party. While the capitalist state retains the governmental machinery, and as the struggle grows sharper in approaching the final struggle, the capitalist state will inevitably strike again and again at the revolutionary party in the effort to destroy it. After the Communist party shall have established itself in the open, it must be prepared for, and must expect to be driven out of a 'legal' existence from time to time. The Communist party must at all times be so organized that such attacks can not destroy it. It must perform its functions of leadership in the class struggle no matter what tactics the ruling class adopts—open as far as possible, secretly as far as it must.


"The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely a temporary device, to be liquidated as soon as the Communist party with its full program can be announced in the open. The underground machinery is for permanent use. It is not a machinery to be used only as emergency occasions. It is for constant use. It must continue to operate not only while the legal party operates under a restricted program, but also at all times, before and after the Communist party, with a full Communist program and shall not exist in the open. There is never a time, previous to the final overthrow of the capitalist state, when a truly revolutionary party does not have to perform a considerable amount of work free from police knowledge and interference. The Communist party will never cease to maintain its underground machinery until after the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of the Workers' Soviet Republic.


"Throughout the Communist movement of the world, the system of 'Presidiums' prevails, by which matters of necessarily secret nature are kept in the hands of the most reliable and most trusted members of the party. This is a necessary feature of a revolutionary organization. As the Communist party of America grows to dimensions containing many thousands of members, it will be necessary to maintain this principle. At times when the Communist party as such maintains itself in the open, the membership which constitutes the present Communist party within the Number Two [the legal branch—Ed.] will, with some variations, constitute the older and beet known, and most disciplined membership, to be entrusted with the more confidential matters and the illegal work of the party generally. This does not mean that the whole party membership will not be required to do work that conflicts with the capitalist law, but that the work of the most secret nature must be kept in the most trusted hands.

"During the time when the Communist party operates, not under its own name and program in the open, but through a 'legal' political party with restricted program and different name, the same principle is applied by having full control of such legal party in the hands of the Communist party. This is accomplished by having a majority of all important com* mittees composed of Communist party members, and by means of regular and compulsory caucuses of all the Communist party members within any legal unit, bound by the unit rule, a principle which will prevail in some effective form when the Communist party is itself in the open. As the membership develops loyalty to the party and respect for its discipline it will be possible to lessen the purely mechanical control and avoid the small friction that is inevitable for the present. There is an unsatisfactory feature in the present condition. Committee members, persons in responsible positions, and all especially active members of such legal party should be, practically without exception, members of the Communist party. TTie party must make systematic efforts to bring this about. Definite efforts must be made to bring every member of such legal party who shows himself to he equipped with Communist understanding and capable of leadership, into the Communist party. Every such active member must be tested as to his readiness to accept the Communist party program and discipline, and the decisions of the Communist International, and upon passing the tests, must be brought into membership of the Communist party.


"The party must endeavor to reach at the earliest reasonable time the condition where all members of responsible committees of Number Two [the legal branch—Ed.] such as the Central Executive Committee, District Executive Committee, sub-District Executive Committee, etc., shall be members of Number One (the illegal branch—Ed.). The personnel of committees of Number Two should consist of its majority of the personnel of the corresponding committees of Number One. The remainder of the personnel of the Number Two committees should generally be Number One members wherever possible. The organizers and officials of Number One and Number Two committees shall generally not he the same.


"We must hold before ourselves as a goal to bei attained at the earliest possible time the functioning openly of Communist party caucuses in the trade unions, known as such inside the respective trade union meetings.

"Keeping this in mind as a goal, and that the framework and human material being organized into an open party, at present existing legally, is intended ultimately to be welded into an open Communist party, it is a logical course to form now wherever practicable nuclei of Number Two in the trade unions, one of the purposes to be the training of trade union members of Number Two in the principle of discipline.

"However, it is not always practicable to operate by the method of Number One and Number Two nuclei in the unions meeting regularly as two distinct systems. And in a large proportion of cases, tbe circumstances of actual life compel that:

"(a) Caucuses of Number Two can no more be announced openly in a union than could be caucuses of Number One, and that:

"(b) In some cases the existence in a union of a substantial number of unionists willing to go a long way with us but holding anarchist or syndicalist views, makes it necessary to hold the greater number of caucuses WITH such elements under a name other than the name of a political party, for the purpose of defeating the 'right wingers' and for the additional purpose of training such anarchist and syndicalist elements in the principle of disciplined action as a first step toward making Communists of them; and

"(c) In other cases where the general conditions in a union make it necessary for the Number Two members to operate together with non-member sympathizers as a disciplined caucus under a name of ANOTHER legal instrument of the Communist party.

"These conditions make necessary an adjustment of the caucus system, which will generally assume the following course of development. While the machinery of Number One nuclei is being established, their caucus meetings take precedence over all others. After the Number One nuclei have been firmly established and the members have learned to function unitedly, they will begin to give more and more attention to Number Two caucuses, and Number One caucus meetings will take precedence only when new issues or crises arise and are to be called as frequently as these conditions make necessary. Between such meetings the Number One nuclei function through the Number Two by means of a steering committee.

"The standard open caucus of the left section of the union must be held under names and slogans of immediate significance, which will win the greatest possible mobilization of the left section of the union against reactionaries, on issues of the daily struggle."

Appendix C: Adaptation of Communist Party
to American Conditions

"As you look at our parly (both Number One and Number Two) you can easily observe that something is wrong. It does not function as it ought to. It does not function as a party must in order to fulfill its aim of leading, or if not strong enough, participating in every political and economic struggle of the working class of this country. In short, our party as it is today is a mechanical instrument which will function as a dead machine at any time, but it is unable to carry on any activity which needs life, thought and interest and arouses the enthusiasms of the comrades so they will come asking for a chance to work whether easy or hard.

"If you go through the history of our party and especially if you study its functioning in the recent past you will find that every step which has been taken was a mechanical procedure. Any instruction coming from anywhere that in being carried out needed to be spiritualized with the fire of real sincerity was only executed in a technical manner— To see that clearly take the instance of the election campaign in New York or the instruction concerning the opposition. In both cases there is needed life interest in the work, and what do we see? In both cases the comrades distributed the leaflets (if they did) without participating in any of the campaign. This clearly shows that the membership of which our party is composed is actually stranger to the vital functioning of the party organization.

"After a long period of organization work, after clearing up our main tactical differences (the latter being accomplished by the few comrades who understand the American situation and who really strive to fight in America which the general membership does not) we arrived at the point where every ounce of our energy should be concentrated to start our activities, that is to fight in the open American capitalism and participate in every such struggle of the workers. If we dare to face the facts we find that we are unable to do so and although we go forward in our decisions and although a very small group of comrades do all in their power the membership in general does not move and does not understand and CARE, about the decisions. What the membership in general does is to obey an imaginative military discipline (which satisfies their romanticism) and carry out every decision without mentally taking part in it. That is the situation in general and if we were to give a few more facts the matter would be clear for further study.

"Many comrades say the chief reason for this situation is because the vast majority of the party are foreign speaking comrades. If we would accept that we would sanction this situation as unchangeable unless we would get enough English comrades in the party. The cause of this situation is not that we are composed of foreign speaking comrades but the reason is that OUR MEMBERSHIP IS NOT MENTALLY PRESENT IN AMERICA. They didn't j,oin the party, or better they did not create the party as a working class defense and fighting organization, but they created it under the strange influence of European happenings. The party membership gets its spirit and its hope, not from America where they ought to fight, but exclusively from Europe and it is this foreign spirit and hope that keeps them in the party. Once losing that, the party would not be able to keep them together. The party itself is a strange thing to them. They join it like they would join any other club. They don't have the conception that the party belongs to them and that the party's interest is their interest, but on the contrary they have no interest in the party so far as the fight in America is concerned. They pay their dues to be entitled to call themselves Communists. Their conception is an abstract one, which satisfies itself in being purely a Communist. Later, that means that men with such conception are individualists and so we dare to state that our party is composed in a great majority of members with such an individualistic conception. The members don't understand the political structure of the American state and so they don't understand the political situation in America. As a matter of fact they are not interested in the things they do not understand.

"This, then, is our party membership. Must we say that the party which is created (as Trotsky says) 'by the proletariat for its defense and struggle for emancipation' can not and will not fulfill this aim, unless the conditions in the party (the conceptions of the party members) are changed? Today we have romantically inclined members in the majority who do everything mechanically to justify themselves as Communists, because they have not been shown how to function as a live part of the American movement. Because of this conception the members don't see any chance for fighting American capitalism and they wait for the coming of the revolution from abroad.

"Our party is not able to lead and to influence the masses. These are rather hard words but true, nevertheless. The influence we have and we will gain, will be the influence of our program in general and we, the party, will not be able to make any use of it.

"Every one of us feels this situation but it seems we wait for some unknown force to bring about a change. We know that our party membership is not capable of leading the masses and is not capable of carrying out the party's program with spiritual participation in it. Those of us who are waiting for the coming of the English elements into the party are overlooking the fact that if the party as it is composed today is not capable of action then it will always be (unless it is changed) a dead part of our body which will hinder us in our work. The fact is that our party will always be composed of a majority of foreign speaking comrades. Why? Because the basic industries of our country are operated by foreign speaking workers and as these workers are the most oppressed elements of the American working class they are nearest to us. On the other hand, the English speaking population of the country compose the middle class and among the workers they are in the easier industries. So we can not base our future on the coming of the English element but we have to use every effort that our party as it is composed today shall be able to function.

"At the time of the outbreak of the various revolutions in Europe the party developed rapidly and after the passing away of the revolutionary wave the party lost in its influence and lost in its membership. This is clearly shown in the case of the Hungarian movement. At the time of the revolution in Hungary the Hungarian Federation in America had 4000 members and the paper 15,000 subscribers. Today the federation has 600 members and the paper has but 7,000 subscribers, although the readers were not raided.

"As our party membership has no political aim in this country, they take without any interest the political moves or program of the party, and without any sound fighting or aim any looseness of membership is justified.

"The Communist party is not organized for itself and for the satisfaction of idealists but we are a rough fighting organization, aiming to bring about a mass movement in this country led by us. Can we do that with our forces? Yes, if we first develop change in the mental attitude in the minds of the general membership toward the problems as they exist here in America. Today, we are merely a propaganda organization without functioning even as a propaganda organization should. We have only extended our propaganda to those who have come to us, but have not reached out to the great masses awaiting the message. The slogan 'TO THE MASSES' was carried out by us only by taking a step nearer to the masses and we are now standing gazing at them.

"The activities of our membership are the unconscious reflex of European influences.

"The main cause of this situation in our party is that our members have not the slightest knowledge of the political state and industrial machinery. Yet no one has told them that to be a real Communist means to fight there where you are; that they must get acquainted with the conditions prevailing there.


"The most important step in the solution of the problem is a correct and thorough understanding of the problem itself by the membership. Without a clear knowledge of the difficulty by the rank and file it will be impossible to accomplish the solution. The comrades must make up their minds to tackle the great obstacles and master them. They must see clearly the fact that the revolutionary movement and its development in this country depends on them and that means that their policy should not be to wait until we have enough English comrades and let them do the work. Rather the very fact that they are here compels the members as Communists to assume full responsibility for the movement here in America that membership in the Communist party in the other places of the world demands.

"The second step should be to dissolve the federation organization and have nothing else than propaganda committees.

"The kind of federation organizations we have today was the result of a compromise between two groups at the Unity Convention, one of which bad no federation whatever and the other with federations having autonomy. It was hoped by this compromise that the control of the federation members (that is, party members) would be taken out of the hands of federation leaders, and the federation organization would serve simply as language propaganda organs of the party. But this has not been the result.

"What are the facts concerning the control of the members? Who really controls the membership, the party or the Federation Bureaus?

"The members of the various federations are entirely inactive except when they get instructions from the Bureau concerning some work in their own language organization or concerning work in some other organizations of their own language.

"Being organized for several years in language federations, they know little or nothing about the party leaders. While their ignorance of the party leaders causes a terrible indifference toward the selection of party officers, the members engage in bitter factional fights inside the federations over the selection of federation officers.

"Most of the federations have large property interests which serve as a strong means of control in the hands of the federation leaders in the control of the federation membership.

"Reflect on these important facts and consider them carefully and see what ties there are that bind the members of the federation to the party.

"The following are the ties that bind the membership to the party:

"1. The federations belong to the party.

"2. Their interest in the international movement.

"We do not wish to make a detailed argument regarding these facts but we feel that everyone who reads this, realizes that the federations have much stronger control over the membership than the party- As our party is composed of several federations and inasmuch as they have greater control over the members than the party, the party therefore has no direct moral control of the membership but can only exercise its control indirectly through the federation bureaus. That is what we call a highly centralized party.

"For the successful prosecution of the work of a revolutionary party, it is necessary that the moral control of the membership (which after all is the only real control) must be in the hands of the central executive body of the organization, which in the light of the facts is not true of our organization at the present time.

"The function of the language federation bureaus should be only to act as a means of communication between the central executive body of the party and the membership in the language they understand and to carry on propaganda to the masses in the tongue they know. There is no other good reason for their existence.

"In proposing the dissolution of the federation organization we advocate the dissolution of every phase of their organization (which gives them direct connection and leading power). This means also the transfer of all institutions and property belonging to the federations over to the party.

"We offer in the place of federation organizations, propaganda committees and editorial hoards and an advisory committee. The function of the last named is to prepare plans for the work to be done in their language in organizations like Sick and Benefit, etc. We propose no national propaganda committees but only district propaganda committees which shall carry on the work according to party instructions, as a sub-committee in the district, adapted to the conditions in the various districts. The translation of party instructions can be done by translating secretaries in the national organization and sent down through party channels.

"The United States is so large that there are whole sections with problems peculiar to themselves that seriously interfere with the efficient operation of the organization and which it is next to impossible to solve from the national organization. The establishment of district propaganda committees would solve this perplexing question. There are many other reasons that favor the establishment of these committees and insure a much more efficient organization than could ever be the case under language federation bureaus.


"In closing we can emphatically stale that the future of the party is hopeless unless this situation is changed. The question of tactics can be decided upon by a few comrades who are at the convention, but they will not have the backing of the members. This is so vital that we can not expect any real results from our work in this country until it is solved. A Communist party, not even in possession of its own members, can not hope to exert the slightest influence over the masses.

"In the course of discussion there might arise some other problems for solution, but every one of us must agree that this one is the main problem confronting the Second Convention of the Communist party and the Communist party itself.

"Finally, the solving of this problem will not be accomplished simply by dissolving the federation organizations. The members must realize and feel this problem in all its seriousness, and with the dissolution of the federation organizations must break the mental ties with other parts of the world and become rooted and grounded in the movement in America."

Appendix D: News Letter Service


"The Executive Committee of the Communist International has informed us that Comrade Cook, member of the Presidium of the Comintern and the Presidium of the Red Trade Union International has been ordered to return home immediately with full instructions from the Communist International regarding the various problems confronting the American party. All districts are strongly urged to hold themselves in complete readiness for immediate arrangements of meetings to listen to the report from the Comintern.

"The special representative of the Comintern, Comrade Brooks, is now working actively with the Central Executive Committee and is proving of great aid to us.

"Reports from every district are very favorable regarding the return of opposition members to the party. We must not lose sight of the fact that it is the duty of every party member to do his utmost to help liquidate the opposition and get them back into the party.

"The Executive Committee of the Communist International has instructed us to postpone holding the convention until the arrival of Comrade Cook with its instructions. The Central Executive Committee acted on this matter and by a vote of five to five decided not to delay holding the convention. All efforts are being exerted to have Comrade Cook arrive here on time so that at least the delegates may have an opportunity to listen to the report and instructions from the Executive Committee of the Communist International.

"On the recommendation of Comrade Brooks, the Central Executive Committee elected the following new special committees: (1) A committee to prepare a report on the prevailing political and economic conditions in the United States. (2) A committee to prepare a new thesis on the relations between One and Two. (3) A committee to revise the agenda for the convention.

"After listening to the Central Executive Committee discussion on the postponement of the convention, Comrade Brooks, Special Representative of the Comintern to the Communist Party of America, proposed the following resolution to the Central Executive Committee: 'The thesis adopted by the Third World Congress on the subject of organization explicitly prohibited the formation of closed factions within Communist parties. I have ascertained here in America that two existing tendencies in the Communist party have already crystallized into definite factional structures which are waging against each other war to the knife on questions big or small. I am convinced that the actually existing differences of opinion do not by any means justify such factional formations and merely represent the continuation of the worst traditions within the ranks of the American Comrades, traditions which are repeatedly condemned by the Communist International. I am convinced that this situation can lead to complete paralysis of the party's activity and to new splits, fatal to American Communism.

"'Basing myself on the above mentioned thesis of the Third Congress and acting in the spirit of all the decisions of the Communist International bearing on the American question, I call on the comrades of both factions immediately to take proper steps for the factional regime and to create real guarantees for party unity which is so extremely endangered. For this work I am entirely at your disposal.

(Signed) "Brooks,
Special Representative of the Executive Committee
of the Communist International.'

"A motion to approve this declaration was carried unanimously. Furthermore, a committee of seven, three members of which are representatives of the Comintern in various capacities, was chosen to present plans for the unification of the party to the convention and recommend methods as to the selection of Central Executive Committee material. This committee is now busily engaged in its work.

"Comrades, this declaration must be accepted in letter and spirit by every member of the party. Apropos of this situation in the party the District Executive Committee of District 4 [the Cleveland District—Ed.] has several weeks ago unanimously passed the following resolutions in the 'National Caucus,' commonly called the 'Goose Caucus'.

"The District Executive Committee of District 4 has been informed of the existence of various caucuses and particularly of the so-called National Caucus and the nature of propaganda they are conducting. This propaganda is not based on any ground of principles but purely on personalities, and confines itself to attacks on the party's Central Executive Committee and this not even intended to bring any good to the movement as a whole.

"From all their communications and theses, only one conclusion can be drawn which is at the same time their only argument, viz.,—The Central Executive Committee does not think the way it acts, we are the only ones who force its hand in the proper direction. Such arguments can only come from positively misguided and insincere people who have no consideration for the welfare of the movement but see only their own ego and calculate how to aspire to power.

"'That such rubberneck, backstairs stuff is injurious to the movement there is no doubt in the minds of the Committee. It lowers the morale of the membership and weakens the discipline in the party.

"'Furthermore, taking into consideration the call of the Central Executive Committee to suggest and criticise the theses and propositions of the Central Executive Committee and as these caucuses refused to have their hand in this work and so reject the invitation of the Central Executive Committee to help build the movement through the regular party channels;

"'The District Executive Committee of District 4 goes on record condemning these caucuses as harmful to the movement and wishes to remind the same not to waste their time looking for support in this district where you will not find it.

"'We advise those caucuses not to squander their money in mailing their stuff to the members in this district where it will bear no fruit, but rather to use the regular party channels and so really help build the organization in the only way this can be done.

"'We call upon our members to maintain the discipline of the party; without discipline we cannot build an organization of the revolutionary workers.'

"The National Office will make every effort possible to keep the membership fully informed as to the situation in the party and the Comintern. All districts are requested to send district news promptly and regularly to the National Office of the party.

"L.C. Wheat [Lovestone's party name—Ed.], Executive Secretary, Communist party of America, Section of the Communist International."

Appendix E: The Workers' Party
on the United Front

"1. A United Front of Labor, a solid phalanx of the working class drawn up in battle line against the forces of the capitalist class and the capitalist state is the prerequisite of a victory of the proletariat. The creation of this phalanx is the task of the hour. Groups of workers organized in various organizations as well as groups of hitherto unorganized workers must be united in support of a common aim and in common action. Many organizations of labor though ostensibly formed to fight the battles of labor are tied up by their treacherous leaders to the interests of the capitalists thus breaking the united front of labor and strengthening the front of capital. The problem is to break these groups of workers away from the army of capital and line them up with the army of labor thus establishing a united front of labor against capital.

"2. The working class as a whole is not conscious of having class interests in irreconcilable conflict with the interests of the capitalists. They are conscious, however, of immediate problems that demand solution as a condition for their existence, questions of wages, working conditions, etc. These questions must form the basis for a United Front of the workers, for united action. It is through these struggles and only through them that the workers can learn the political character of their struggle. It is in these struggles that the betrayers of the workers in the position of leadership must be exposed in their true character as enemies of the proletariat and the tools of the capitalists. It is in these struggles and only in them that the Communists can establish their leadership in the class struggle and develop this struggle into a revolutionary battle for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship as an instrument of Communist reconstruction.

"3. In pursuing the policy of uniting larger and larger masses of the workers on the basis of a common struggle the existing organizations of the workers must be made more and more effective instruments of these struggles. The experience the workers will gain in these struggles will help us to gradually eliminate all dualism in the field of economic organizations of the workers- Trade lines must be gradually eliminated and step by step the organizations of the workers must be welded together into industrial unions closely united in one great body.

"4. While the creation of the United Front can be accomplished on the field of economic organization through amalgamation of existing bodies, it must be accomplished on therfield of political organizations of the workers by elimination of the influence of such parties and groups whose program and action mislead the working class. The economic struggles of the workers are carried on by organizations including in their ranks most of the participants of the struggle. Working-class political parties can not organize within their ranks a majority of the working class. These organizations serve rather to give leadership to the workers' political struggles. Those parties misleading the workers must be eliminated from such leadership. On the basis of immediate issues the workers must be led into political struggles in which the Communists prove the superiority of their tactics, their slogans, their aims and their leadership as compared with the tactics, slogans, aims and leadership of other political groups or parties claiming the support of the workers. Thus the Workers' party will gradually win away the masses of politically active workers from the political organizations that betray the workers. It will discredit and destroy them and win complete leadership in the political struggles of the workers.

"5. In creating a united front for the working class for their economic struggles, the existing labor unions must remain the instrument of these struggles while the members of the Workers' party must be the instruments to unify these economic organizations.

"The plans for the general campaigns are formulated after consideration of recommendations by party members in the unions. The Central Executive Committee of the party formulates the slogans and sends its corresponding instructions through the industrial department to the membership. At the same time all means of publicity are used by the party for propagation of the action contemplated. The unity of action must be established on a basis that can be realized immediately and the action must then be developed and led on step by step to the climax. In the process of the struggle the weakness of the existing craft union form of organization will become apparent. The experience of such struggles, developing these weaknesses must be utilized to drive home the criticism of the present form of organization and advantage must be taken of the situation to advance constructive proposals seeking to eliminate these weaknesses. Thus the amalgamation of craft into industrial unions becomes an issue dictated by the necessities of the struggles and ceases to be an abstract theoretical bone of contention. The main criticism of treacherous or inefficient leaders and the fight against them must be based on their shortcomings in the actual struggles. Thus the abstract and invariably ineffective criticism on the basis of differences in the theoretical conception of the class struggle or the state will give way to concrete issues on the basis of which an alignment of the workers can be effected.

"6. In cases where dual industrial organizations are involved in a struggle the party must not only take the initiative to offer its services for the creation of a unity of purpose, unity of tactics and a united front in action, but also the creation of organizational unity. While in such cases the party addresses itself to the leaders, the executives of the organization, it also propagates the membership of such bodies to the same so that the leadership that stands in the way of unity will be discredited and eventually eliminated. But in all such cases, elimination is not the sole object of the application of the tactics of the United Front of Labor, but only one of its purposes.

"7. Not only those workers who have immediate interests in a struggle should compose the United Front. All issues of importance must be made class issues and the working masses rallied to the support of the workers immediately concerned. Only by thus broadening the struggle will the working masses become class conscious.

"8. Separate delegated bodies, councils, etc., for the organization and direction of the united working class action on the economic field must be organized only if there is no danger of serious conflict with existing bodies of the same character. In all cases where such directive bodies are created they should be formed, if at all possible, on the initiative and by action of the unions involved. Our party organization will supply the initiative where the forming of such bodies becomes necessary. No basis for even a shade of suspicion or dualistic intention must he given.

"9. The creation of a United Front of Labor on the political field in the United States is the problem of the development of independent political action of the working class. The working class of Europe has for a long time participated independently in political activities. Not so in the United States. Here the problem is not to unite existing political groups and organizations for common action, hut to awake political class consciousness among the workers. The class struggle has reached such a degree of intensity here that every battle of the workers reveals the political character of the struggles that is teaching the proletarian masses the necessity for class conscious political action. The numerous efforts of all kinds of labor organizations to form a labor party in the United States is evidence of this fact. These struggles indicate a step forward in the progress of the class struggle toward revolutionary working class action. To oppose this tendency toward the formation of a labor party would be folly.

"10. The capitalists realize the potentialities of even a tame and not in the least revolutionary independent labor party for the development of the class consciousness of the workers. Their tools in the labor movement have, therefore, consistently opposed its formation. But when its formation can no longer be prevented these capitalist tools will assume the leadership of the movement for a labor party and will exert every effort to reduce such a party to a mere machine for their election, and to prevent it from becoming a real weapon for the workers in the class struggle. To make the labor party an instrument of the class struggle and the revolution the participation of the Communists is an imperative necessity. It is not in the interest of the proletarian revolution nor can the Workers' party assume responsibility for the largest political power of the workers remaining dormant. The party must not oppose the coming to life of this power because it has not yet the standing and influence among masses to set it at work in the name of and for the purpose of Communism.

"11. To promote the development of the political action of the working class into revolutionary action the Communists must become a factor in the Labor party that may be formed. We can achieve this end only if we anticipate the formation of such a party and now adopt a policy through which we will become established as a force in the political struggle of the workers and thus an important factor in the labor party. The participation in a United Front in local political struggles will give us a strong position in relation to the labor party.

"12. Attempts to misuse the name of Labor party in the formation in some sort of a 'workers' non-partisan league' must be guarded against. Such a party would merely exploit the growing desire for independent working class political action to get endorsements for some misleaders of labor on capitalist party tickets, on the principle of Gompers: 'Reward our friends and punish our enemies.' It is the work of the Communists to also guard against the formation of such a labor party as is forecast in the work of the Conference for Progressive Political Action. This conference includes not only representatives of labor, but progressives and liberals of every shade. A party such as forecast by this conference would not mobilize the political power of the workers for the immediate struggles against the capitalists but would dissipate that power in election campaigns fought on the basis of petty ameliorative reforms and of schemes for minor changes in the form of the capitalist government. Such a party would be merely a larger but weaker edition of the Socialist party, which has for two decades misdirected the political energies of the workers supporting it through its program of reforms and limitations of the political struggle of the workers to mere participation in election campaigns. The Communists must fight to make the labor party a real instrument of the class struggle, fighting the immediate battles of the workers on the political field and engaging in political action, from election campaigns to mass strikes with political objectives and their logical developments in revolutionary struggles.

"13. The Workers' party must not artificially force the development of a labor party. It must through educational work win support of the masses of the workers for the movement of the labor party.

"14. The work of education can best be carried on through establishment of the United Front on the basis of political issues growing out of the intense economic struggles of the workers. The party must use its influence and strength in the trade unions to form delegated conferences of labor organizations. Such conferences decide on a general political campaign including all forms of political action. Through these tactics the Communists help to awaken the political consciousness of the proletarian masses, broaden the conception of these masses as to the meaning of political action and establish themselves as a force in the political activities of the workers. The party must be the most ardent champion of all such action and must identify itself with all its phases. Our members should initiate such action through the unions. The position which we will thus gain for our party will attract the revolutionary forces of the workers of the United States and they will rally around our banner. These tactics will make us a force which will have to be considered in the event of the formation of a labor party and we will b# able to influence its character and its activities and win leadership in it.

"15. The United Front tactics can not be interpreted to mean organ* ization unity with any other organization. The Workers' party must exist as a distinct organization with a disciplined, educated membership acting upon a revolutionary platform to give leadership to the struggles of the workers. In all its activities the party retains its full independence, its right of criticism and its freedom of action. The Workers' party must be the left and the most active section of the labor movement on both the economic and political field. By its unceasing activities, by its correct interpretation of problems and situations and by its qualities of a fighting advance guard of the workers, it must gradually eliminate all other parties and groups claiming the support of the workers as a factor in leadership. It will win leadership in all the phases of the struggle of the working class and lead the solid phalanx of the proletariat into the last decisive battle against the capitalist class, the capitalist state and the capitalist system.


"1. The United Political Front embraces political action from election campaigns, mass demonstrations to mass strikes with political objectives and their logical development in revolutionary struggles. The basis for a United Political Front which will embrace the working masses has not yet been created in the United States. To enter into a political federation with existing political organizations, none of which have the support of the masses of the workers, would be to negate the possibility of creating a real United Front of the workers politically. The Workers' party will, therefore, as a rule nominate its own candidates in the coming elections and carry on its campaign independently.

"2. However, wherever the Central Labor body of a city votes for independent political action by the organized workers, thus indicating that the movement has the support of the organized workers, or the fact that the movement for independent political action has the support of the masses is otherwise indicated, the Workers party will support this action by joining, as an autonomous body, into a federation to carry on the struggle. It will take the initiative in those cases where it considers conditions ripe for such action. The conditions for such participation are the following:

"(a) All working class organizations ready to participate in the United Front campaign must he accepted as part of the federation.

"(h) The platform must raise as the issues of the campaign immediate questions of the class struggle such as unemployment relief, the open shop, the use of the injunction against the workers, opposition to industrial courts, etc.

"(c) The United Front federation should adopt as the name under which the candidates are placed on the ballot and the campaign conducted, a name other than that of an existing political party, if the name 'Workers' party' and its candidates are not endorsed.

"Permission to place candidates on the ballot under the name of an existing working class political organization may be granted by the Central Executive Committee when technical conditions make that necessary; in such instances, however, the campaign must be conducted under the name of the United Front Federation.

"3. In such political division where it develops that a candidate of another party claiming to be a working class party will be defeated through votes cast for the Workers' party candidate and a capitalist party candidate elected, the Workers' party will follow a policy appropriate to the situation. The unsound principles and tactics of reform parties can be demonstrated in action. Also, the Workers' party can best gain the confidence of the masses of the workers who support candidates of these parties in districts where there is prospect of their success, by not causing defeat and the election of capitalist candidates, but advocating their election and proving through their election the futility of their party program in action. The Workers' party in such instances may withdraw its candidates prior to the election, at the same time issuing a manifesto making its criticism of the candidates in whose favor it withdraws and stating the ground for its action."

Appendix F: Next Tasks of the CPUSA

"In the earlier stages the Communist movement usually lacks the broad, directing viewpoint from which can be found the guideposts for its various steps. Inexperienced communists, for example, attack imperialism only in general, in its universal aspect, without exact information and minute attention to the unique manifestations of imperialism within the given country. They do not in any way direct their attacks for the purpose of playing up against each other the antagonistic interests of various imperialistic groups.

"Also, the representatives of false tendencies in the labor movement they attack in general terms, with indiscriminate battle cries having perhaps the desired application to some, but having in regard to others perhaps the exact opposite of the desired result. In a word, they strike around with their eyes closed against all opponents of their own narrow communist groups. They fight as a little sect fights, against tine entire outer world.

"Such primitive methods of battle, even when combined with the greatest zeal and heroism, are not dangerous to the enemies of communism.

"The Communists begin to be effective in the political struggle only when they adopt concrete, strategic aims for their movement, based upon a thorough examination of the facts. With a determined, purposeful drive to these aims, with the subjection of every phase of our movement to this principle, our movement begins to be effective.

"In order to assist the American comrades in working out and formulating their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist International proposes for their examination the following points:

"I. As the greatest force opposing the proletarian world revolution appears at the moment to be the counter-revolutionary world alliance of American, English, French and Japanese capitalism, it is of vital interest to the proletarian revolutionary movement to work against the establishment and consolidation of this alliance, to attack its advocates most ruthlessly, to cut its tap-root, if possible, to disturb its growth unceasingly, and adroitly to make use of the conflicting interests within it.

"The narrow nationalism of the American Japanophobes and Anglophobes is not liberal or humanitarian nor friendly to labor, and is not in the slightest degree more acceptable to us than was the attempted bourgeois internationalism of the League of Nations, and yet, to the extent of its own cupidity, it really hinders and disturbs the process of uniting the counter-revolutionary forces in the capitalist world. To the extent that this narrow nationalism (Japanophobia and Anglophobia) attacks and tends to smash tne outside world robbers (and let us hope, smash itself)—to this extent it is doing the historic work of self-destruction of the capitalist world system; and in this work it must not be hindered by us. Therefore, though we will not, in the role of social-patriots, help the chauvinists in their predatory ventures, we will make use of chauvinistic blindness on behalf of the proletarian revolution.

"2. Soviet Russia, as the mainspring of the international revolutionary movement of the proletariat, must be supported in every way. It must be supported with economic help through the self-sacrifice of die workers of all countries. And, most of all, it must be helped through the class struggle of the workers in all capitalist countries against their own bourgeoisies. The fiercer the class struggle of the American proletariat rages, the less will be the pressure of the international counter-revolution upon Soviet Russia. In this respect the communists must learn how to make use of the conflicting interests of the various factions of the bourgeoisie, how to turn the greed of the bourgeoisie for profits and how to exploit the various tendencies growing out of greedy speculation, to the advantage of the Russian revolution, and thus to the advantage of the proletarian world revolution.

"3. The prerequisite of victory for the working class is that the working class unite itself for the class struggle. To bring about this unification, isolated action, participated in solely by communists, will not suffice. It is necessary to bring about common 'mass action' of workers who are not yet communists. For this purpose the communists must penetrate the working masses to the utmost, must work together with them, must live and fight with them and lead them forward in both major and minor battles.

"The uniting of the workers in general class struggle organizations and the joining of the various ones of these organizations into close relationships —this and not merely to attain communist purity and perfection of program —is the task now facing the Communist party of America. The consciousness of the working masses is naturally very unclear at this time, half bourgeois, and undeveloped from the standpoint of the revolutionary vanguard. But, generally speaking, it will develop more clearly only during the process of the struggle itself, through the common struggle against the bourgeoisie and through experience in the general class struggle organizations.

"As a matter of course not all organizations to which workers belong can be used as instruments of the proletarian class struggle, just as not every action of the workers can further the struggle. But the question of the possibilities of given organizations must be examined and judged on its own merits in each case. It is unthinkable, for instance, that a colossal trade union organization such as the American Federation of Labor could be composed entirely of enemies of the working class, as are such capitalist organizations as the Ku Klux Klan or the various strikebreaking bodies. Here a distinction must always be made between the reactionary traitorous leadership and the unconsciously petty bourgeois minded mass which we have to win.

"And just so one must not consider any mass movement of the unemployed, no matter how primitive, faltering and unclear, as being hopelessly merely a peaceful movement with which the communists will have nothing and permanently under bourgeois influence. The general elections, in which hunoreds of thousands of workers take part, can not he rejected as being merely a peaceful movement with which the Communists will have nothing to do. Further, certain mass organizations which not only are not communistic but are not proletarian in composition, must be utilized by communist strategy for the benefit of the proletarian class struggle.

"As, for instance, the existing mass movements of small farmers (who are, in a sense, semiproletarian), and even movements of middle class fanners under some circumstances. Another instance is the negro mass movement for racial betterment, which movement often attempts deliberately to avoid proletarian class character but must include great masses of toilers. Communist strategy must utilize these movements as auxiliary forces or, at least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in the class war.

"4. In the present period of the dissolution of the capitalist system, the most important tasks of the communists of all capitalist countries is * the revolutionizing of the proletarian class struggle. The fighting proletariat is to he led from one stage to another in the revolutionizing process by means of suitable slogans. They must help the proletariat to free itself from the illusions and false traditions that limit its vision and fetter its activities and to counteract the fossilizing influence of the trade union bureaucracy. One must organize the proletariat for the historic training school in which it will learn to become the conqueror of capitalism.

"Only the Communist party can do thi9. The organization and training of the Communist party as leader of the revolutionary movement is therefore the fundamental task of the communists.

"TTie communists must now take the lead in the struggle against the reduction of wages. This struggle in its various forms is especially adapted for uniting the largest masses of workers in one organization for the common struggle. The conservative labor leaders will find themselves placed in a most difficult position through this struggle, where they will soon be forced to plainly unmask their cowardly wobbling and their treacherous role, and where they will bring upon themselves the wrath of the struggling workers. In America almost nothing has been done so far in this direction, hut it must be done thoroughly before one can even think of the victory of the working class in the revolutionary struggle.

"The organization of the unemployed is an equally important and difficult task. In this movement, just as much as in all other minor battles, the communists must select their slogans according to the circumstances and intensify them as much as possible from the immediate needs of the day to the general workers' control of capitalist industry. Right now they must make a special demand for state support of the unemployed out of the military budget.

"The Communist party must remember that it is not its purpose to reform the capitalist state! The purpose of the communists is, on the contrary, to cure the working masses of their reformistic illusions through bitter experience. Demands upon the state for immediate concessions to the workers must he made not after the fashion of the Social-Democratic parties which try to make those demands within the limits in which the state can grant them while retaining its strength intact.

"Communist demands for immediate concessions to the workers are formulated not to be 'reasonable' from the point of view of capitalism, but to be reasonable from the point of view of the struggling workers, regardless of the state's power to grant them without weakening itself. Thus, for instance, a demand for payment out of the government treasury of full, union, standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is highly reasonable from the point of view of the unemployed workers, but damaging from the point of view of the capitalist state and the capitalist wage competition which the state defends.

"We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be made. It must be clearly understood that those are merely examples for illustration and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even as advised by the Committee.

"1. That all combinations or agreements having the purpose of reducing the rate of wages for the purpose of common action against labor organization shall be made, in law, a criminal conspiracy.

"2. That no injunction shall be issued against workers for activities toward raising the rate of wages or reducing the hours of labor.

"3. A constitutional amendment forbidding such laws as the Kansas industrial court law.

"4. A constitutional provision guaranteeing the unlimited right of peaceful picketing.

"5. For the disarming of all private detective cops in strike regions or elsewhere. All organizations for the purpose of forming armed bodies to engage in activities against strikers to be declared criminal conspiracy.

"6. That no process of law, criminal or otherwise, shall be allowed forcibly to detain any regularly elected labor union official from his union duties during the process of a labor dispute.

"7. Constitutional amendment forbidding the use of military or naval force in any matter connected with the labor dispute.

"8. Legal provision for the maintenance of order in strike regions by the appointment of members of the labor unions involved, such members to be nominated by the labor organizations and armed from the public supplies for the purpose of maintaining order during the period of the strike.

"9. Constitutional provision abolishing the United States Labor Board and prohibiting the executive to interfere in labor disputes.

"10. Favoring a close alliance of the United Mine Workers of America with the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common action to raise the standard of living of all workers in both industries.

"11- General amnesty for all persons imprisoned as a result of strikes or other incidents of the labor struggle. General amnesty for all persons convicted of crime in any way relating to the labor movement or into whose criminal trial any evidence was offered against the defendant regarding the latter's view of the class struggle or political views. General amnesty for all prisoners convicted of political offenses.

"12. For the Plumb plan, amended to give labor a majority of directors.

"13. Immediate bonus of $500 to every soldier or sailor enlisted in the United States forces during the world war; $1,000 to those having been granted wound stripes. A payment of $5,000 (in addition to all payments otherwise provided for) to the dependents of every soldier or sailor who died in the service during the war period. Funds for this purpose to be taken from the military and naval budgets, respectively.

"14. For the unrestricted rights of soldiers and sailors to organize unions. Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers or sailors. No private soldier or sailor to be judged by court-martial except composed entirely by private soldiers or sailors elected for the purpose within the military unit concerned.

"15. Absolute prohibition of foreclosures upon farm property for debts.

"16. For national credit, to the full value of his farm, to every farmer holding less than $20,000 worth of farm property, the money to be advanced out of the National Treasury at interest to cover the cost of the loan transaction.

"17. For national credit, to the full extent of their holdings, to all farm co-operatives, on the same basis.

"18. National monopoly, and operation at cost, of all grain elevators except those in the hands of bona-hde farmers' cooperatives, or which in future may be established by such organizations.

"19. The liquidation of the Ku Klux Klan, invoking the criminal conspiracy laws in prosecuting all persons connected with the organization.

"20. Condemnation of the Washington conference as a preparation for a new world war. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of the Far East and other regions for exploitation.

"21. Warning of world war to grow out of secret and other arrangements made in Washington conference. Condemnation of this in advance as imperialistic warfare.

"22. For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet Russia. For the reestablishment of postal agreement with Russia.

"These and other similar demands must be considered only as starting points for broader, sharper, more universal slogans. In their agitation the communists must point out that the problems will not be solved through these measures, but that we support these demands of the masses so that the very course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state and the opponents of the working class, and prove to the masses the necessity of the final struggle for power against the capitalist state itself. In this unmasking process the communists must make use of every device to discredit the opposition. At times they must develop a direct attack, brand every mistake, every crime, every refusal of the demands of the toiling masses and constantly demonstrate the solidarity and identity of the capitalist class with the capitalist state.

"The communists must participate as revolutionists in all general election campaigns, municipal, state and congressional, as well as presidential, not in the same manner as the social traitors and centrists, not in order to avoid violent revolution and substitute parliamentary activity for revolution, but, on the other hand, in order to use even the election campaigns to revolutionize the workers and lead them forward, to sharpen their class consciousness and to bring them together and unite them under communist leadership.

"Class conscious, courageous and wise communists, as elected representatives of the worker, can always find the possibility in the various institutions of the bourgeois state, on one way or another, to give effective object lessons to revolutionize the working class. Besides, the Communist party can conceal its underground apparatus and develop it very effectively within the outer framework of the legal campaign organization and the election activities.

"In all these minor struggles, as well as the final revolutionary battle of the proletariat, the party organization must be the leader of the struggling workers.

"Its weapons are manifold, and vary, according to the situation, from entirely legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest movements, for increase of wages, and from peaceful demonstrations to the revolutionary strike and to the various forms of armed revolutionary class struggle.

"In agitation and propaganda, communists cannot be satisfied with mere dogmatic presentation of communist principles of the propagandizing of the armed struggle under all circumstances. They must not permit themselves to appear to the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts who know nothing about the realities of life. They must understand how to lead the working masses from the struggle for the satisfaction of their first concrete needs on to such a battle that the struggling masses themselves will begin to believe in success and victory.

"The legal party press is, under all circumstances, a most important weapon to the Communist party. Just as the political movement of the workers in America has remained very backward in regard to matters of organization, so the revolutionary labor press is also as yet very weak. Its development is at the present moment the most urgent task of the party. As long as the party does not possess at least one or two legal dailies in the English language it is still crawling around on all fours. The party must do everything in its power in order to secure decided influence and direct or indirect control over as many existing papers of various labor organizations as possible. Especially it must try to win control over the labor union press. In addition tbe party must publish an illegal official organ.

"All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must be utilized by the party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the illegal activities is no communist at all, and neither is that type of conspirator who does not want to know anything about legal activities.

"Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist party in the United States to be a legal party. Of course the party can develop open labor organizations. It can even build a legal revolutionary workers' organization. It can even also launch a legal revolutionary labor party. It must launch also such a legal party with the purpose that the communists can openly enter its ranks without permitting the police to know which of the members are communists and which are not. But the underground organization, whose membership consists jentirely of communists, must not be liquidated. On the contrary, it must be built even firmer and stronger. It must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its members. Every Communist, that is, every member of the underground party, must submit to an iron discipline, and must act in accordance with the directions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as well as illegal activities.

"As a matter of course, all real communists in the United States will subscribe to this. The executive of the Communist International knows that the minority of the party executives does not deny the advisability of taking advantage of legal opportunities, although this minority opposes the rapid and energetic procedure of the majority in founding the legal revolutionary party. This distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive Committee of the Communists, without good ground.

"The fact that the party executive is proceeding rapidly and energetically with the formation of the Legal party organization is not a fault. It would have been a fault to wait the launching of the legal party until the underground organization had developed sufficient strength. The development of the underground organizations can best be furthered through these very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal party. Historic progress is not such a simple matter as to leave us the liberty first to complete the development of the underground party apparatus and only then to begin the building of the legal party organization. In this manner the very best opportunities for the launching of the legal party would be lost.

"The centrists would have a free field for their efforts at founding an independent opportunist party. This opportunity must not be left to them. The Communist party must take the initiative in the formation of the new legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands. It must be careful to hold itself the actual control over all the leading organs of the legal party. For this reason, the legal organization must take the permanent form of a party organization. Some other loose organization form would be very much more difficult to control and to guide. Furthermore, the development of a solidly organized legal party, in which members of the Communist party have at least the majority on all important committees, will make possible the control of still other anti-capitalistic organizations through this legal puty.

"For the foregoing reason we draw your attention to the following for your guidance:

"I. The Communist party of America is as yet far from having satisfactory connections with the masses. The means of contact must be constructed with the greatest possible speed.

"2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation. Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, can not be satisfactory mass operations. The means of public contact with the masses must be principally:

"(a) A legal press, including at least one daily English legal newspaper, acting with the necessary disguise as a central party organ.

"(b) Organized grouping of sympathizers within the trade unions.

"(c) An overground political party.

"3. Certain indispensable accompaniments to the highest developed capitalist form of society leaves weakness in the capitalist structure that has to be taken advantage of by a Communist party of action. The Government of the United States will not permit a Communist party to exist, but is compelled to permit parties to exist in an otherwise almost unrestricted variety for the purpose of its own preservation. The capitalist class builds its regime upon the rock foundation—the mass illusion that social questions are solved in the sphere in which these parties operate. The state attempts, wherever it can, to exclude a truly proletarian revolutionary party from this public field. It attempts first to exterminate the revolutionary party, if possible, or second, to terrorize and corrupt the revolutionary party into subservience to capitalist law which makes revolution impossible, or third, at least to confine the revolutionary party's operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached secretly.

"A Communist party must defeat all these attempts. It must not be exterminated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law and must urge the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal machinery. It is equally the duty of a Communist party to defeat by any means that may be necessary the capitalist government's attempt to confine the revolutionary party to the underground channels in which it is even more concealed from the masses than it is from the government.

"4. The program of the legal party will have to be somewhat restricted. Special measures and slogans which, while not stating the illegal communist purpose, will objectively have the revolutionary effect upon the masses, must be adopted. The legal party must at all times go as far toward the communist program as possible while continuing a legal existence.

"5. The entire membership of the underground party, the real Communist party, must join the open party and become its most active element. Communist party members must at all times hold the positions of leadership in the legal party. In addition to the entire communist party membership, the legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers who accept the principle of the class struggle and the abolition of capitalism through the establishment of the workers' power. Working class organizations that subscribe to these principles can be admitted to or affiliated with the legal party as a body witbin the judgment of the central executive committee of the Communist party.

"6. The executive of the Communist International has resolved to support the position of the majority of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of America in favor of the immediate construction of a legal political party on a national scale, which will act as an instrument of the illegal Communist party for participation in legal activities such as elec* toral campaigns, etc. The executive of the Comintern takes this position after having been informed that the minority of the Executive Committee of the Communist party of America accepts in principle the tactics of the legal work of various sorts at the present time, but rejects the tactics of the immediate construction of a legal political party on a national scale with the Communist party as its nucleus. The ruling of the Communist International must be accepted as obligating every member of the Communist party of America, minority or majority, to work diligently in the immediate construction of a legal political party. As a rule, party members who fail to participate wholeheartedly in the legal work or who sabotage that work must leave the party.

"7. But in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself against the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work—the tendency will be found especially among intellectual party members who have little experience in the brutal physical phases of the class struggle to which the rank and file workers are always exposed, but from which the intellectuals engaged in legal political work are sometimes shielded. Upon finding themselves in the easier life of political activities many will forget that no matter what maneuvers may he made upon the public stage the final class struggle must be until its end a brutal fight of physical force. A certain element of the party membership will inevitably forget this fundamental principle (which no humble worker in the class struggle is allowed to forget) and will come forward with naive proposals for liquidating the illegal machinery of the party. Such a tendency is very dangerous to a proletarian revolutionary party. The actual liquidation of the underground party would mean the liquidation of the revolutionary movement. Party members who persist in such a view must be ruthlessly expelled from the illegal party.

"8. The underground organization of the Communist party must not sink into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal machinery further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal party. While coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make the mistake of being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district communist party headquarters, records of illegal machinery, its underground printing arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee. The Central Executive Committee headquarters (of the party proper) must continue to be guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of redoubling its security from discovery should he constantly studied).

"The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely for emergencies, but for constant and permanent use. Down to the lowest unit— the group of ten—every branch and stem of the party structure must continue to keep its secret addresses and meeting places and to use them in constant underground functioning. Every member, no matter what his work in the legal party, must also perform his duties in the underground organization.

"9. The party underground press must continue. The means of publishing unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must always be kept in hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how liberal it may be, a Communist party must never relinquish its facilities for underground press and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United States, the active functioning of the underground press can not be abated. But it would be foolish to print any considerable amount of literature underground that could be printed legally. The legal political party will be able to take upon itself the printing of a large portion of the literature that is not definitely illegal. It may also be made sponsor for a great many legal communist newspapers. Legal newspapers must form a very large part of the work of the mass party. The illegal press must carry the propaganda that the legal press can not carry, thus making sure that the full communist message is made clear at all times.

"10. The intellectual workers in these legal institutions of the party must be subject to the same discipline, wage scale and regulations as underground party workers. It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary party—the American Section of the Third International—is the Communist party of America and that the legal party is but an instrument which it uses to better carry on its work among the masses. Only through membership in the American section—the Communist party of America—can American workers become members of the Communist International.

"Dear comrades, we hope that, in your coming party convention, all of you will give evidence, in your resolutions and actions, of firm, organic unity and that your party will prove its ability to measure up to the great responsibilities that stand before it.

"With communistic greetings.

"Executive committee of the Communist International,
O. W. KUSINEN, "Secretary."

Appendix G: Our Bolshevik Moles

(Under this caption the London Morning Post published in December, 1922, and January, 1923, a series of articles showing from authentic documents the activities of the Communists in Great Britain. By special permission of the editor of the Post the substance of the articles is herewith reprinted to illustrate the similarity of the Communist work in foreign lands with that in America and as evidence of the international character of the gigantic conspiracy to bring the entire world down to the level of the workers when the "dictatorship of the proletariat" shall have been established.

Just as the Moscow Communists hoped to make of the coal miners' strike in the United States the first step toward armed insurrection against the Government in the summer of 1922, so the same group planned to use the British coal strike at the same time. Following is first an editorial from the London Morning Post of December 28, 1922, the date of the beginning of the aeries. Then, in sequence, are the articles.

We are able to begin today the publication of a series of articles describing in detail the organization and the methods of what, we say deliberately, is one of the most dangerous revolutionary conspiracies with which this country has ever been confronted. The information we shall publish is drawn from the secret documents of the Communist party. That party is now the dominating force of the Labor party, which is numerously represented in Parliament. Those members of the Labor Party who are not either, overtly or secretly. Communists no longer exert any influence, nor do they possess a coherent policy. Unable to check the revolutionaries in the past, the men who are fond of describing their views as moderate and who deprecate methods of violence, are now dragged impotentiy in the wake of the Communists. In the opinion of the Communists, the old-style Labor leader is no longer worth consideration, and accordingly the order has gone forth from Moscow that he is to be superseded by the genuine revolutionary. It must not be imagined that Communism is accurately represented in the House of Commons by the few noisy persons who have already earned the contempt alike of the House and of the public. Men much more formidable are directing the Communist party in this country, which, as we shall prove, take their orders straight from Moscow. We shall show, also, that the Communists are formed into a vast secret society, with its centers in every town and district, and its agents in every walk of society. There is here disclosed no ordinary manufactured political agitation, such as the elder Socialist movement, for which the Communists express the liveliest contempt.

In the documents from which we shall draw indisputable evidence, it is clearly shown that the great mining strike was initiated and directed by the Communists as the first step towards revolution; and the failure of that treasonable conspiracy was the subject of severe rebuke on the part of the notorious Russian Bolshevik, Karl Radek. It was, indeed, by reason of the defeat of the Communist plot on that occasion that the new Communist organization, of which we shall give a full account, was instituted. It was dictated from Moscow, and it is based throughout, as we shall show, on what is called the Theses of the Communist Internationale. The Communist party in Great Britain is recognized by Moscow, and as a condition of that recognition every member of the Communist party must accept and carry into execution the instructions of the Theses. Members are bound to perform work both legal and illegal when they are ordered to do so. Those who fail in obedience "must be excluded from the party." The Theses of the Second Congress of the Communist Internationale contain definite and minute instructions for the dissemination of Bolshevist doctrines, not only among the "proletariat," but in every grade of the community. Every convert to Communism becomes a potential or active agent of revolution, working under strict and detailed instructions. Groups or "nuclei" are constituted in all districts, which are under the direction of regional committees, which in their turn are guided by the central body, which is always in session in London. The scheme of organization has been elaborated, as our readers will perceive, with consummate ability. Its main purpose is to ensure incessant activity in every branch of revolution, from the teaching of children to the preparation for armed insurrection. The Theses demand practical results. The leaders of revolution in Moscow are no longer content with mere dissemination of doctrine or the issuing of manifestos. The central authority in this country is the Executive Committee of the Communist party; which, as we have observed, is the most active force in the Labor party; and the Executive Committee in this country is responsible to the Executive of the Communist Internationale at Moscow, and is bound by the decisions given by Moscow.

Such is the outline of the very dangerous revolutionary organization whose workings we shall expose. It should be remembered that we are here dealing, not with the wild project of a few half-crazed visionaries, but with the work of bold, cunning, and unscrupulous men, who have not only planned the revolution in this country but who, with the help of the Labor party proper, or at least with their connivance, have actually carried into execution the first measures of the revolutionary campaign. Indeed, so serious is the menace that we hope none of our readers will dismiss the information with the comfortable thought that the British people have too much sense to engage in revolution. Doubtless that consideration is generally accurate, hut the Bolsheviks, who rule the Labor party, have provided against that contingency also by formulating the principle that, given time and opportunity, a resolute minority can always "stampede the majority."

That is perilously true. The danger, some of whose secrets—but by no means all—we unmask, is a present and an active danger. It demands not only the strict attention of the Government but the lively consideration of every honest citizen. The Communist is the sworn and deadly enemy of society. Destitute alike of morals and of natural scruple, he is no more to be tolerated than a wild beast; and for the same reasons.

At a special Conference of the Communist party of Great Britain, held in London last March, a Commission was appointed "to review the organization of the party in the light of the Theses (of the Communist International). . . and to make detailed recommendations to the Executive Committee and to the Annual Conference for the application of the Theses." The members of the Commission were Messrs. R. Palmer Dutt (editor of the Labour Monthly), M. Inkpin, and M. Pollitt (editor of All Power, an organ of the Red International of Labor Unions). The following were the terms of reference:

(1) To draft such revision of the Constitution as may seem necessary to bring it into accord with the Theses.

(2) To examine and report on the existing divisions, areas and other units.

(3) To draw up a full scheme foT the co-ordination and direction of groups and nuclei in the Trade Unions and other working-class organizations, and to make recommendations as to the first steps to be taken in the practical operation of the scheme.

(4) To consider the organization of the party centre and make recommendations.

(5) To bring under review the party press and other form of propaganda in order to make possible a more effective fulfillment of the Theses in these respects.

The Report of the Commission has been represented to the party, and was adopted by the annual Conference, held at the Battersea Town Hall on October 7. It is a remarkable document, and is worthy of very careful study by employers. Trade Unionists, Co-operators, Government departments and by all who are fighting Bolshevism. Unfortunately, the report is only for members of the Communist party. It is, therefore, necessary for the writer to describe this document in detail, so that those who may be directly or indirectly affected by the underground burrowings of our Bolshevist moles will be familiar with their methods and plans. The report fills nearly seventy-nine pages, and it must be admitted that the plan of reorganization and the new methods of waging the Bolshevik war on society are diabolically clever.

The new organization and methods of the Communist party are, as the report indicates, founded on the Theses of the Communist International. These were issued in August, 1920, and in December, 1921. Extracts from the Theses have been published in the Morning Post. Every organization recognized by Moscow must accept and carry out the instructions of the Theses; and "members of the party who repudiate the conditions and theses adopted by the Communist International must be excluded from the party." Members must be prepared to undertake both legal and illegal work when required to do so by the party leaders or by the Communist International.

The form of organization which has hitherto been generally adopted by the Socialist parties does not lend itself to the kind of revolutionary activity desired by the Communist International. After the miners' strike last year the British Communists were severely criticized by Karl Radek because they had failed to obtain from the strike revolutionary results. The failure was explained as being due mainly to defective organization on the part of the Communist movement in this country. The new organization scheme to be described in these articles is the sequel to the criticisms of the Moscow Chiefs of the Communist party.

Before describing the scheme of organization recommended by the Commission—and now in process of development—it is necessary to look at the Theses of the Communist International, on which the new organization of the Communist party of Great Britain is to be based. The Theses of the Second Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, August, 1920, contain the instructions that are of immediate interest. Clause 8 calls upon the Communists to replace "the old leaders by Communists in all kinds of proletarian organizations, not only political, but industrial, cooperative, educational,etc." Clause 9 states that: "Therefore, the preparation of the dictatorship of the proletariat must be begun immediately and in all places by means of the following method, among others":

In every organization, union or association—beginning with proletarian ones first—and afterwards in all those of the non-proletarian workers and exploited masses (political, professional, military, co-operative, educational, sporting,etc.) must be formed groups or nuclei of Communists—mostly open ones, but also secret ones, which become necessary in each case when the arrest or exile of their members or the dispersal of the organization is threatened. These nuclei, in close contact with one another and with the Central party, exchanging experiences, carrying on the work of propaganda, campaign, organization, adapting themselves to all the branches of social life, to all the various forms and subdivisions of the working masses, must systematically train themselves, the party, the class, and the masses by such various work.

". . The masses must be approached with patience and caution, and with an understanding of the peculiarities, the special psychology of each layer or profession.

This extract from the Theses is a sample of the instructions of Moscow, and the study of the report of the Communist Commission shows that the orders have been obeyed in every detail. There is scarcely any organization or branch of social life to escape the open and secret attentions of our Bolsheviks when their new plan of attack on Society is complete and in working order. The scheme of organization to be described in this and the subsequent articles is most intricate, elaborate and costly; it penetrates every phase of social life.


In the new organization of the Communist forces, every member of the party "has his own special work and responsibility." There are no idle or passive members; each one will have his allotted task and will work under strict orders and be subjected to the most rigid discipline. "The method of sharing out the work and responsibility is by making every member a member of a working group; that is to say, either of a special committee in charge of some special activity under the direction of the District or Centre, or of a nucleus which is carrying out party policy in some working-class organization." To unify the work of these groups there is a system of reports, "each group reporting regularly to the directing authority in charge of the work." It is further provided that:

Every activity has its leading committee or directing authority, appointed by and subject to the Executive Committee, which supervises the actual work and gives day-to-day instructions (not general instructions) on what to do and what is the correct party line to follow.

The three governing principles of the scheme are:

(1) Centralized Direction.—The establishment of strong directing centres in conjunction with the party centre.

(2) Division of Work.—The allocation of members to working groups for special tasks and the drawing of every member into the work by this means.

(3) Organized Influence in the Working Class as the Aim.—The concentrating of all activities of our groups, with a view to building up a network of influence throughout the working class and its organizations.

The Central Authority is the Executive Committee of the Communist party. This Executive is, as we shall see later, responsible to the Executive of the Communist International at Moscow, and must report to Moscow at regular intervals the results of its work in Great Britain. This will be understood by consulting the new "Statutes and Rules" of the party. Rule I says: "The Communist Party of Great Britain is a section of the Communist International, and is bound by its decisions."


TTie Communist Party Executive in London is now forming District Party Committees. These Districts are not the old geographical divisions of the country into which the party organization has hitherto been divided. The new Districts are to begin with those industrial areas in which the

membership of the party is mainly concentrated.The Report

states that "the District is the pivot of Communist organization," and it quotes the following from the Moscow Theses on Organization (para. 44):

"The thing to be aimed at is that every locality forming an economic, political, or transportation centre should spread out and form a net of organizations within a wide area of the surroundings of the given locality and the economic political districts adjoining it."


The District Organization Bureau contains, like the Organizing Bureau at Headquarters, seven departments. The following departments, with their numbers as given in the Report, are of public interest:

(1) REGISTER OF MEMBERS, with their qualifications and the work to which they are allocated. This register will enable the Committee to keep under review the disposition of members' activities, and to draft members for new work as needed. There will be a general register of individual members, with party record, record in working-class movement and personal record. In addition, there will be separate registers of the different organizations for each activity; Trade Union nuclei, factory nuclei, Trades Councils, and local Labor party fractions, propaganda committees, distribution groups,etc. Finally, there will be the special registers of members with certain qualifications and functions (speakers, instructors, linguists,etc.).

(4) DISTRIBUTION. Maintenance and control of the distribution apparatus of the party, tlirough the groups in the localities and the factories, both for the sale of literature and for the rapid distribution of leaflets, Executive cables,etc.

(5) TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATION. Organization of ways and means of sending, receiving, and, if necessary, of accommodating literature, messages, individuals,etc., and of maintaining lines of communication with the Centre and also between localities and between workshops.

(6) INFORMATION. Organization of all necessary information concerning the District through the local information groups and collection and transmission of information to the Centre.

This information from the District Committees is tabulated and classified by the corresponding departments of the Organization Bureau at the Centre. The District Political Bureau also consists of seven departments which correspond to the departments of the Political Bureau at the Centre. These include the following:

(1) INDUSTRIAL COMMITTEE. For the direction of the nuclei in the unions and the workshops and the fractions on Trades Councils and Local Labor Parties, in accordance with the lines laid down by the Central Industrial Committee.

(2) ELECTIONS AND MUNICIPAL COMMITTEE. For election work (Parliamentary and municipal) and direction of municipal representatives.

(3) LABOR AND CO-OPERATIVE COMMITTEE. For co-ordination of work inside Co-operative Societies and Guilds, Labor clubs, and miscellaneous local Labor organizations, and undermining and propaganda work in local Social Democratic organizations.

(4) EDUCATION COMMITTEE. For arranging the training classes of candidates for party membership, special training of party's workers, organizers,etc., and instructions of workers outside the party.

(7) POLITICAL AND SUPPLEMENTARY COMMITTEE. For propaganda and undermining work in Government and bourgeois institutions and special intelligence.


The purpose of this elaborate machinery of organization is indicated in the above extracts. The main purpose is to obtain control of the industrial organizations of the workers. Before this scheme of organization had been devised, the Executive of the Communist party of Great Britain reported to Moscow that "the Party has 200 propagandists of Communism," and the party has nuclei almost in every trade union, and efforts are being pushed forward to bring these into touch with each other according to the industries, in the terms of the Theses of the Communist International. . . . All the members of the party are bound to take an active part in the unemployed agitation; it is very acute, and whatever has been done to turn the situation to account in a Communist sense is due to the work of the party. (The Communist International, Nos. 16-17.)

The members of the party in a locality are combined in small groups. These groups correspond to the German Zelmergruppen, or "Tens," and "are composed of members living within easy walking distance of one another." Where the party is strong "these group areas may cover a street or a Block; in other words, a ward." There is a Group Leader, who will be responsible for his group and must see that the members are carrying out the instructions received from the Local Party Committee. This Committee directs and co-ordinates the activities of all the groups (also nuclei and fractions) in the locality, and reports to the District Party Committee. No slackness is allowed; every member is under strict supervision. He must be a working member, "since he could not be a member of the party at all unless he were a member of a working group. This is the vital secret of the Theses, . . . Every member has some special qualification, which can be used in some sphere of the party's work. It will be the business of the Party Committee so to organize the groups that they are composed of the members best suited to the work in hand." For this reason persons joining tlie party must serve a period of probation before being admitted to membership.


Before coming to the actual nature of the work which the Committee's groups and nuclei of the Communist party will have to do, it is necessary briefly to summarize the plans for the entire reorganization of the Communist press. The report of the Commission states that the main party organ must be "a mass organ, i.e., an organ of working-class life and struggle. Its object is not only to agitate, but to organize and train." The Communist "should be the newspaper of the working class, and not a small magazine of miscellaneous articles with a Communist bias." It must "report working-class life and struggle in such a way as to give every item an agitating and organizing value."

We now come to the vital part of the Communist organization. All the elaborate and expensive machinery of organization is for a definite purpose. This purpose has been shown in the extracts from the Moscow Theses and by the report of the British Communists to the Moscow Headquarters of the Communist International. What follows is concerned with this Bolshevist machine at work. Chapter 4 of the Report of the Communist Commission is headed "Party Activities," and section 1 of this chapter describes the work "in the Trade Unions." It states that (p. 36):

"The work of the party in the Trade Union movement and in the workshops (factories, mines, docks, railways, shipyards, or other places of work) is the principal activity before the party in the present period. It is here that we must build up the leadership of the party in the actual day-to-day struggle of the workers in order to have the solid basis to proceed to further struggles. That leadership will not be achieved by the issue of manifestos, but only by systematic and organized work over the whole field.

"The field is extremely complicated, and only the highest degree of organization will secure results. . . . We must never let the "industrial

side," i. e., our activity in economic movement, become separate from "party work," since the whole direct object of our activity in the economic movement is not the separate economic struggle, but the common political struggle, i.e., the revolutionary struggle for power under the dictatorship, of the party. Therefore all our work in these organizations must be primarily directed towards strengthening the party's hold; if we form any independent movement it must be only as a vehicle for the party's action, and all our work must be under the daily direction of the party."

The Commission explains that the work of the party in the Trade Unions, "despite its volume," has failed through lack of common direction. They had no "hold on the membership," and no channel through which the necessary reports and information could be obtained. To overcome these difficulties there must be organized and directed day-to-day work in the Unions, and "its aim must be to bring increasing numbers of workers under the direct leadership of the party. For this reason 'nucleus work' is not simply the creation of centres of agitation, but one of the most highly organized forms of the party's work."

The aim is to transform the Unions "into mass organizations of the revolutionary struggle under the leadership of the party. This plan is not a mechanical process of 'capturing' the Unions. . . The process is one of actually organizing the workers around the party, and by our organization from top to bottom of the Union, establishing a real and not merely a formal, hold upon it," This is to be accomplished by first organizing "our members in their 'nuclei' or groups of party members in each Trade Union branch." These nuclei must be "firmly welded together over the whole country," and must act under "central direction." This direction will come from the Headquarters of the party and the District Committees will "only act as transmitting centres for nationally decided policies in each Union to the nuclei affected in their district."


At the Central Industrial Department of the party in London there will sit a .main Industrial Committee, assisted by "Special Advisory Com* mittees from each of the provincial Unions or groups of Unions. The advisory Committee of a given Trade Union will consist of our best members in that Union . . . it will receive the reports of our nuclei to the Union either directly or through local or district committees, as also reports of any officials, executive members,etc., we may have in the Union." This main Industrial Committee at the Centre will divide into sections for (1) Trade Unions; (2) Trade Councils; (3) Workshops; (4) Press. Similar Committees will meet at the District Centres "to receive instructions from the main Industrial Committees, work them out for the District, and pass them on to the Union nuclei concerned in their District." A nucleus must be formed in any Trade Union branch where there are one or more members of the party.

A Trade Union nucleus is a party organization working in a Trade Union branch, and consists of party members and candidates in that branch. A nucleus only exists when it has been organized by or reported itself to its Leading Committee, and is meeting, working, and reporting regularly. The nucleus will receive full instructions as to its work at the time when it is formed by the representative of the Leading Committee accredited for the purpose, and thereafter will receive particular instructions over any issue or campaign as occasion arises.


It will be seen, and Trade Unionists should note, that these nuclei in Trade Union branches are an organized system of espionage, directed from the Headquarters of the Communist party. The average Trade Union member is to be surrounded by the organized spies of Moscow, and his Union is to be secretly "wangled" into the acceptance of policies devised by the chiefs of the Communist party and introduced into the Unions by the underground agents of the party.

The nuclei in several branches of a Union in a locality are to form "a Local Committee for that Union" in order to co-ordinate the work of the nuclei in its local branches. In the same way the nuclei in all the local Trade Union branches, workshops, and the fractions in the Trades Councils, &c., are to be combined in a Local General Committee. This Committee takes up any subject or agitation on which all the nuclei should concentrate.

Communists on District Committees or the Executive of a Union will "be organized in definite party organizations (Fractions), which will meet and report regularly, and receive their instructions from the Leading Committee." Members of the Communist party who are officials in a Union will be separately organized for party purposes, and will have to furnish their own reports regularly on the work, together with any information obtained, and will receive their distinct instructions.

A Local Industrial Organizer will be appointed "to transmit instructions to the various nuclei" and to supervise their activities. The work of a nucleus in a Trade Union branch covers a wide field. In addition to the routine day-to-day work it will:

Organize the Left Wing opposition in all branches around all current questions . . . it will be prepared for each branch meeting with resolutions, movers of resolutions, discussions,etc. . . . it will endeavour

to weaken the position of reactionary officials and leaders by pressing issues which force them to take up an unpopular stand; . . . it will work for the election of accredited Communist candidates as officials and delegates to conferences,etc.; during strikes its members will be active in the forefront and pressing for extension of the dispute, and greater solidarity; and it will be watchful to keep the Leading Committee informed of all developments, and to follow carefully the lead given in order to achieve uniformity in the party's action.


More important than the nuclei in the Trade Union branches are the nuclei in the workshops. The Report declares that:

"The factory or workshop is the real unit of the working class, and should be the main field of our activity- Here, far more than in the localities, is the basis of the Party's organization of the workers, and contact with the working class as a whole, whether organized or unorganized. The Trade Unions only bring us in contact with a portion of the working class . . . and only a minority of those who turn up at branch meetings,etc.

The workshop brings us into contact with all the workers on the spot. . .

The Trade Unions can only initiate the struggle. Once the revolutionary struggle begins the workshop becomes the centre. . . Upon our organization in the workshops will depend the success of the workers in the first phase of the revolutionary struggle and their readiness for organization under the dictatorship of the proletariat."

Whenever members of the party are employed in a factory or works, "they must be organized as a responsible party body or micleus." The forms and activities of a workshop nucleus are "manifold and varied," and the duties include the distribution of "the party paper and literature," dinner-hour discussions, formation of social and sports organizations, taking up of grievances,etc. These are, of course, the general propaganda duties. Their special task is "to agitate for the formation of factory committees," especially during a crisis, as these committees tend to "develop into the conscious struggle of the working class for power."


If a Factory Committee is formed, or if one already exists, "the nucleus must concentrate its efforts on securing and maintaining control of it. Our members must put before the Factory Committee the objective of the control of industry, and seek to develop the struggle for the control of industry into the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat."

The real purpose of these factory committees is revealed in a warning to the nucleus. They are reminded that "workers' control" is not "our objective." It is one of many demands "to develop the struggle and so carry forward oar propaganda"


The following instruction is given by the Commission for cases where the Communists wish to attack a works in which they have no members:

"Special attention will be needed if the party wishes to gain a foothold in a large and important factory or works where we have as yet no members. In such cases, when a decision has been taken to make the attempt in regard to some particular factory, a special campaign will have to be developed for the purpose, and militant groups will be needed to start the assault. As a first step there should appear in the party organ some report or news bearing on the factory question. At the same time meetings should be arranged outside the factory which would concentrate on matters of particular interest to the workers in that factory."

Leaflets, manifestos,etc., will be distributed, and the party organ pushed. "The number of readers of the paper obtained will indicate the measure of our success. Once we have obtained our contacts individual recruiting proceeds."

Space will not permit of more details concerning these workshop nuclei. But it must be understood that none of the groups, nuclei and local committees which have so far been described, is allowed to act on its own initiative. Everything is done by order and under careful direction. Each group or nucleus has its appointed leader, who acts under orders from its Local Committee. This Committee is responsible to the District Committee and the District Committtee is acting on the instructions of the Executive Committee at the Centre; and this Executive is carrying out the orders of the Executive of the Communist International at Moscow.

The Co-operative movement, with its large funds, has in recent years attracted the Socialists, and now the Communists intend to penetrate this movement. The Report we are considering explains the importance of the Co-operatives to the Bolsheviks. It points out that "very active propaganda is being carried on by the Labor Party and I. L. P. members to organize their influence in the co-operatives." Communists must bring the Co-operatives into "the current struggle," and "finally to work to secure controlling positions in them for our members." For this purpose every Communist who is eligible must "join his local co-operative society."


Considerable attention will be given by the new organization to "work in local government " This is "an immediate task before the party." The guiding principle is stated in the following terms:

The purpose of the party's work on Local Government bodies is clearly stated in the Theses. The Communist party does not enter on Local Government bodies to help in their work, but to expose and destroy them as part of the bourgeois machinery and administration. For this purpose the work on them must always be subordinate to the objects and tactics of the mass struggle outside. On the other hand, the work on them must never be merely negative, but must always have positive propaganda value. "We should not merely oppose demands, but should formulate demands the struggle for which will clearly expose the class character of local government and lead to open conflict with the Central Authority."

The policy and tactics on local government bodies depend on whether the majority is (a) Communist, (b) Labor, (c) Bourgeois. In all cases the aim of the Communists is the destruction of the machinery of local government. During strikes "the local government machinery" must be used "to serve the purpose of the strike." "In the actual revolutionary struggle any hold on local government should be used to stop its operation and replace it by revolutionary workers' councils." A section on this subject is devoted to the dangers of reformism. "The active participation in the administrative detail of a Local Governing body has a tendency to cool the revolutionary ardour of the Communists, and many revolutionaries are afraid of taking part at all for fear of coming reformists."


Chapter 6 of the Bolshevist Report is devoted to the work of the Communist among women. It begins by declaring that "The role of women in the class struggle cannot be ignored by Communists in any country. . . . The seizures of power by the proletariat and the subsequent achievement of Communism can only be accomplished with the active participation of the wide masses of the proletarian and semi-proletarian women." It is admitted that the task of winning the support of women for Bolshevism is very great. There are many strong prejudices to overcome- The starting point must be in the working-class organizations with women members. These include Trade Unions, the Co-operative Societies, and Guilds. One of the prejudices to combat is the prevailing prejudice against the participation of women in the thick of the fight. "We shall have to fight relentlessly against a great deal of prejudice of this kind in our own ranks. Many comrades discourage their wives, sisters, and women friends from attending party meetings or from taking any part whatever in our work. This attitude must be overcome."

The women will be separately organized, and the Women's Propaganda Committee will organize "propaganda and agitation among proletarian women, such organization to remain completely under party control." At headquarters thert will be the "Central Women's Propaganda Committee," with a General Organizer- The Report goes on to tabulate the duties of this Central Committee, one of which will be the "maintenance and continuous contact with the International Secretariat of Communist Women" (Moscow).

The work* of the Central Committee and also of the District and Local Committees will be divided into sections in the manner described in connection with the Party Executive and the District Party Committees. The Report states that:

'Thorough division of the work among members of the Committee is most essential. One member should have charge of the work among housewives another of that in the co-operative movement, and so on."


The local work will be distributed "among various small working groups with different functions or fields of activity (such as Co-operative Guild Groups, Literature Distributors' Groups, House to House Propaganda Groups, etc.)." Communist women in Trade Unions will join the party nucleus (where such exists) and will act "on the instructions from the Nucleus Management Committee or leader." They will get into personal contact with the women members of the Trade Union branch, and will endeavor to get them "to attend classes or instruction groups." Communist women are to join the Local Labor Parties "if individual membership of the Labor party is allowed." These women members must report to the Committee under whose direction they are acting. The procedure is the same as that already given in other cases.

Other activities of women Communists are the holding of street corner meetings in "proletarian shopping centres" to discuss "the cost of living—bread meetings—or the care and education of children," etc. Special attention must be given to literature for women. "A series of vivid, arresting short stories, with a strong agitational bias, would also be useful." Entertainments likely to attract women will be provided, but "propaganda should be judiciously mixed with entertainments."


Many proposals and technical details of the Communist reorganization scheme, for lack of space, have been omitted, such as the relations with Communist Schools for the young and the special features of the Communist Saturdays and Sundays when members will be called upon to do some special work for the Party. But the general features of the organization have been given, and it is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that the administrative expenses of the organization will be heavy. Where the money will come from is not explained in the Report—the subscriptions of members are quite inadequate to meet the cost of such an elaborate scheme. But as the plan of organization is based on the instructions of the Moscow International, it is not unreasonable to suggest that Moscow may be financing it.

"The final and culminating campaign," says the Report, "to which the whole of the Party organization leads up is the open fight for power." (p. 74). Will this cleverly devised plan of the revolutionaries succeed? Not if the intended victims are made aware of the intentions and methods of the conspirators. Now we know the plans and policy of the Communist party and its precious International of Bandits at Moscow, it will not be difficult to frustrate their revolutionary designs upon society.