Reds in America - Richard M. Whitney

Army, Navy, and the Government

In the conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States by "armed insurrection" the Communist party of America, coached specifically by the Communist International of Moscow, aims first to undermine the military force of this country, including Army, Navy and local police organizations. The handling of the local situations is left to the Communists of the various cities, but the question of the Army and Navy is squarely before the national organization. The illegal Bridgman convention was to have considered this feature of the Communist work, but as the conspirators were rudely interrupted by the Michigan authorities they did not get to this part of the convention program. However, certain documents found by the authorities after the raid show plainly what the plans were.

It should be mentioned here that the celebrated Boston police strike, before the Communist party of America was organized, was a part of the Communist movement in this country. It was engineered by the Left Wing of the Socialists, which had seceded from the Socialist party and was awaiting the coming of organized Communism to the United States. These Left Wing Socialists, who later joined the Communist party, boasted of their success in precipitating the police strike and they were officially credited with this manifestation of their strength both at Moscow and by the Communist party of America, when the question of amalgamation came up. The incident has been cited more than once by the Communists as evidence of the ease with which the police can be handled when the great general strike comes which is to result in the overthrow of the Government.

Two distinct lines of attack, based upon the success of the Communist organization in Russia when the Russian Government was overthrown, are being used in the Army and Navy of the United States. These lines of attack were dictated by the Moscow officials to be put in practice in the United States. The orders, issued from Moscow, are on record. They are subtle, as are all the methods of the Communists when subtlety is necessary, but the plans and the working out of the program are known to the high officials in the Army and Navy departments of the Government.

First, all ideas of pacifism are to be encouraged. This includes the use of civil organizations devoted to pacifism, disarmament, "no more war" days, and any movement which will tend to reduce the military forces in size and ability. In all such civil organizations the Communists are interested and in many of them they appear as members, sometimes under the disguise of reputable citizens, in others openly as revolutionary workers.

This is aided by propaganda, printed and circulated by word of mouth by Communists within the ranks of the Army and Navy, full of references to the "horrors" and "cruelty" of war, with many citations, some real and others imaginary, of hardships suffered by soldiers. The life led by the officers is always pictured as one of ease and luxury, while the ranks are driven to a dog's life by these officers, so falsely painted.

The second method is more difficult and more subtle, involving the enlistment of men in Army and Navy for the creation of nuclei of Communism. Great care is used in selecting the men for these important posts for the dissemination of disloyal and treasonous ideas and theories, for the work must be handled with the greatest finesse. The duty of these men is to make converts to the cause of Communism within the ranks of the soldiers and sailors, so that when the great occasion comes the men will revolt by companies, battalions and regiments, as they did in Russia. The example of Russia is always cited as to what may be accomplished if the preliminary work is well done by the men to whom it has been entrusted.

The Secretaries of War and Navy, in the cabinet of the President of the United States, are aware of the efforts which are being made by the Communists to undermine the fighting forces of the nation and to make them either ready to turn their weapons on their officers or to disintegrate in the face of danger. Both of these tactics were employed by the Communists in destroying the Russian army and navy as weapons of the Government, and with that experience in mind and always kept in the thoughts of whomever can be found to listen, the Communists are patiently but persistently working within the forces of the United States. Secretary of War John W. Weeks, in 1922, after pointing out that army training has always been conducted with a view to "teaching loyalty, love of country and a spirit of sacrifice," said:

"The War Department has been aware that the Communist program has stressed the breeding of disloyalty among the Army and Navy personnel as well as among citizens at large. Though all opposition to the military establishment is not occasioned by such influences, undoubtedly many loyal Americans have lent their support to movements inspired by radical organizers.

In view of the situation in the Near East at present, it is interesting to note that secret instructions were sent out early in 1922 by the Bureau of Western European Secretariat of Propaganda under instructions of the Third Communist International. The United States is subordinate to this western European bureau, and the instructions were received by the Communist party to be used here substituting the United States for England or France where the names of those countries were used. These secret instructions were largely devoted to work in the Army and Navy establishments of all "capitalist" countries, because although Russia has a well-trained, well-equipped, well-clothed and well-fed Red Army of approximately a million men, the Communist parties of other countries:

". . .. possess but a trifling number of weapons," so read the instructions, and "one must come to the conclusion that the military organization of the Communist International lacks the forces which it could lead to a decisive battle with capitalism, without which, of course, it is impossible to obtain a victory over capital, and the World-Wide Soviet Republic," The secret instructions continue:

"Such a condition of affairs has long since prompted the necessity of devoting attention to the army and navy of the capitalistic States, and by increased and intense work utilizing the experience of the decomposition of the Russian White Guard Army, to attain such a condition of affairs that in the ranks of the capitalistic armies there would be Red sections which would decompose the Army as a whole and turn their bayonets against the capitalistic class. "This was considered by both the Second and Third Congress of the Communist International in compiling the thesis on propaganda and work, but unfortunately the work in this respect gave absolutely no results. This must not stop the active Communist forces from continuing the work commenced in this region. But, to the contrary, particularly now, the phantom of impending capitalistic wars is hovering before the world and the armies and navies of the capitalistic States, manned by compulsory, obligatory, or voluntary enlistment are almost entirely consisting of the most anti-militaristic youths inclined to adopt the Communistic idea.

"The work and organization in this section must be placed at the head of all the future work of the Communist International and its members, and all its strength and means must be devoted to it.

"The principal attention in the first place must he devoted to the personnel of the Navy, where the soil is particularly fertile for active Communist propaganda and work, particularly in the English and French navies. It is necessary to work under the following general conditions:

  1. All sailors, by the manner and nature of their lives, are devoid of nationalist ideology, and they, as a matter of fact, are internationalists.
  2. The conditions of service of sailors on submarines, cruisers and in general on ships which make distant trips are extremely difficult; they enjoy very little rest, their maintenance is very unsatisfactory, and the service is very dangerous to life.
  3. The war did not bring to sailors the moral satisfaction and peace which they were expecting, but to the contrary, it is bringing on the coming monstrous war on the seas.

"In the final summary one should not forget that sailors are least of all subject to subordination and are very much inclined to insubordination and disorders. In this respect the example of the Great October Revolution [Bolshevist] where an honorable part was played by the Kronstadt and Baltic Fleets, and the German Revolution, where the principal participants were sailors, are convincing facts. On the basis of all this the Bureau and the Russian branches of the Communist parties must strive to create in all the principal ports special nuclei of organizers and agitators who must strive with all their efforts to get into contact with the personnel of naval vessels, to organize among them nuclei with their own people in them, and to distribute energetically special literature. The nuclei on the ships must maintain a permanent contact in accordance with the movements of the ships with the port organizations of the Communist party and the latter must regularly maintain the contact among themselves and inform one another of the movement of ships, countersigns and conditions of entry.

The port nuclei must not limit themselves to the establishment of contact and the transmittal of literature, but must strive also to the bringing together of the crews of ships and the proletarian population of the ports and to the generalizing of their ideology, remembering always that the fishermen principally are the source for the supplying of the personnel of the fleet and that their influence can reflect very much on the attitude of the sailors now and particularly during possible mobilizations. Simultaneously the work already commenced in the occupied territory (on the Rhine, Upper Silesia and Constantinople) among the territorial armies of the Entente must continue to grow and to spread into the detachments already in England, France, etc., proper.

"At the present moment it must bear in mind the youths which are entering the Army on the latest drafts, among whom there is a particularly favorable soil for Communist agitation and the propaganda of pacifist ideas. In this respect it is necessary to give the French, German and English Communist parties full initiative in the sense of determining the tactics and program of agitation obligating them to conform their work to local conditions.

"With this it is necessary to point out that their agitators should strive to utilize as often as possible the thousand and one little details of the daily life of the soldier in order to undermine his obedience to the officers, the bourgeois discipline and his duties in defending the bourgeois peace. Along with this there must be conducted on a broad scale an increased propaganda of pacifist ideas, ideas of disarmament and to prove that it is only for their own benefit that the capitalists and bourgeoisie create big armies and are preparing for their own game new conflicts of peoples when they wish to live in peace.

"The general slogan: Only if the proletariat be master in every country will the cause for new conflicts disappear."

This secret document was signed by Zinoviev, chairman of the Central Committee of the Third International; Katayama, the Japanese Communist who was in charge of the propaganda section in Moscow; and Arngold. the secretary. It was dated in Moscow in December, 1921 and the official copy reached the United States by courier early in 1922. The Communist party of America, obedient to the "iron discipline" of the Third International of Moscow, became active along the lines laid out in the secret instructions. The results were soon apparent to the officers of the Army and Navy and in course of time the higher officers of both military establishments recognized the symptoms. Then it was that Secretary Weeks made the statement quoted above, and Secretary of the Navy Denhy issued the following orders to the entire service:

  1. "My attention has been called to the fact that there is a sinister propaganda by societies having their origin in foreign countries to undermine the morale of the Navy and to insinuate into its personnel elements of disloyalty and disorder.
  2. "I have the most profound confidence in the loyalty and devotion of commissioned and enlisted men of the United States naval forces. I have no fear that men in any considerable number may at any time, anywhere, be seduced from their allegiance to their country's flag. It is not, therefore, through any thought or suggestion that the United States Navy is in the slightest danger from this propaganda that I issue this warning.
  3. "I fear only that some few of our men may be induced innocently at first, when on shore, to join societies having for their purpose the advancement of ideas contrary to our form of government, or which may result in lawlessness. There are, of course, in a personnel as large as that of the Navy, some discontented men, and in the hearts of discontented men false doctrines find ready acceptance.
  4. "I am trying by this warning to save a few individuals who might otherwise affiliate themselves with societies teaching those things which cannot be tolerated in an organization sworn to uphold the constitution of the United States and to obey all lawful orders. Should there be any such men in the Navy today, it is almost certain that if they do not disentangle themselves from affiliation with such organizations, they will ultimately be detected.
  5. "I am trying to lessen the number of prisoners in naval prisons. I could not hope to show leniency, however, to any man who, in combination, or alone, in violation of his oath, committed acts of disloyalty to his country.
  6. "Because I have been one of you I know that all men have their periods of unhappiness—of imagined ill-treatment, homesickness and discontent. Such periods come to civilians as well as to men in the naval service. They are a part of life. We must not let them lead us into such folly as desertion or resistance to lawful authority nor particularly into revolt by word or deed against a form of government that has proven in the main a government of liberty and justice.
  7. "The world is full of false thought today. I would save that service of which our country is so proud, and of which I happen to be at the moment the head, from the hurtful influence of improper theories of government, or false dreams of a better State to be created by anarchy and violence. I would go far to save any one man from the consequences of misdeeds, whether such consequences take the form of physical punishment or only of the deep remorse which must ever follow him through life. So I appeal to the officers and men of the service to be ever in alert in guarding themselves ashore and afloat from the preaching of sovietism, communism and anarchy

(Signed) "Edwin Denby

"Secretary of the Navy."

It was only three months after the secret instructions from Moscow quoted above arrived in the United States, brought by Dr. Leo S. Reichel, member of the Communist party and of the Central Bureau of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, and therefore a courier to be trusted with so important a document, that Secretary Denby found it necessary to issue his warning, and Secretary Weeks to issue his statement regarding radicalism in the Army. It is easy to read between the lines that these instructions had been put into action promptly by the Communists and that the effect had already been felt in the Navy. Loyal Navy officials have been particularly watchful since the captain of an American ship in Pacific waters adopted the Soviet idea of permitting the crew to decide what port to make for a holiday ashore. That occurred but a few years ago and the captain was quickly relieved of his responsibilities at that post.

Military authorities are loath to speak of sudden dismissals from the service in recent months of men who were acting as Communist agents in the ranks of the Army and Navy. It was thought best to dismiss them without "making a noise about it" instead of court-martialing the men and sentencing them to prison which would be furnishing material for the Communists in stirring up other soldiers and sailors to resentment and rebellion.

By skillfully used propaganda and personal intercourse the Communists succeeded in planting the seeds of Communism in the minds of many of the American soldiers who saw service in Russia during the war and after the armistice on the German frontier and in Germany. Officers were shocked at the Communistic ideas inoculated in the minds of troops who had served in such organizations on their return to the United States. It is not believed possible that all such seeds have been exterminated, but much has been done toward wiping out the evil in both branches of the military establishment. All of which has made the Communists more determined to push their work with greater vigor.

Whenever police or soldiers are called out on strike duty the Communists become very active in trying to alienate them from their duty. Clever talkers are sent into the strike district to talk with soldiers and police whenever possible; "under cover" men they are sometimes called, for they do not let it be known that they are connected with the Communist party or any radical movement. They present their arguments, skillfully prepared, solely with the view of making the soldiers forget their duty or sympathize with the law violators to such an extent that they will be remiss in their duty, and thus morale is undermined. These carefully selected men never appear among the strikers, never address strike meetings, and to all appearances they are not particularly interested in the strike except from a humanitarian point of view.

Another group of Communist workers are also on duty at all strikes where soldiers are sent to keep the peace. This second group devotes itself to keeping the strikers agitated by speech and circulars and posters distributed among the strikers. They address secret or open meetings of the strikers, urging them to stand firm in their hostility toward the employers and in general adding fuel to the fire by class hatred. A third group devotes itself entirely to the soldiers, placing in their hands appeals printed by the Communists urging them not to oppose the strikers. One such appeal reads:


"Do not shoot your brothers, the railway and mine workers!

"They are not your enemies! Today they are lighting in order to obtain a scrap of bread for their families. They are useful citizens; workers who have produced millions of dollars' worth of wealth for the war profiteers. Many of them fought on Flanders Field. They are now trying to collect some of that democracy and freedom they were promised, just the same as thousands of ex-service men are fighting for the bonus that war profiteers are opposing because it would compel them to disgorge some of the loot stolen from the workers of this country.

"Soldiers! Whether you are in the United States Army or the militias of the various States, do not shoot at the strikers! You did not enlist to engage in the infamous occupation of strike-breakers and scab herders. Refuse to do it! Do not help the profiteers take the last crumb from the mouths of the helpless women and children of the working class.

"Remember this, the workers are never your enemies!

"Soon you may be in their ranks and you would not want to be crushed by armed force!

"Perhaps even now, in some other part of the country, your father or your brother may he in the ranks of the strikers! Would you want them to be murdered because they ask a mere existence?

"It is not treason to refuse to become an assassin of the workers!

"Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of America,

"J. Davis,

"Executive Secretary."

In Truth, a communist paper, of August 4, 1922, is found an article written with the approval of the Central Committee of the Communist party of America, devoted to the need of constantly stirring up trouble and in efforts to make everyone dissatisfied with the existing state of affairs. In this article appears the following sentence: "In soldiers' organizations the bonus issue may be injected to alienate them from the Government".

While the bonus question was before Congress the Communists prepared to use the bonus issue for its own ends, whichever way the question was decided. If it were passed by Congress the Communists were prepared to launch an attack on the granting of a bonus on the grounds that it was a move by capitalism to add more taxes to the poor working man; if defeated it was to be used to show that capitalism was refusing the soldier "his just reward."

In another Communist paper is an editorial declaring that the desertions from the United States Army were at the rate of "one every forty minutes." This editorial says:

"The deserters are to be congratulated. It would have been better still if they had shown the same intelligence before they ever entered the army, but perhaps it is just as well that they learned their lesson by bitter experience. They know now what jackasses they were. They will not be caught in the trap again."

Among former soldiers, men who served in the Army during the European War and have since been demobilized, the Communists are working hard, with many agents. The American Legion as a whole has loyally withstood the efforts to win them over to the cause of Communism, and the organization is unalterably aligned against them. But it is true that secretly the Communists have many representatives in the ranks of this loyal organization and the fight will have to be kept up continually to prevent increases. Knowing that this fight is wellnigh hopeless the Communists have devoted their attention more particularly to the World War Veterans, an organization which is Communistic in principles and which is openly supported by the Communist party. Indeed, among the documents seized at Bridgman were official reports of the World War Veterans which showed a close working arrangement between the two bodies. It is generally accepted that the World War Veterans is one of the "legal" expressions of the Communist party.

The Soldier-Worker, of Butte, Montana, official organ of the World War Veterans of Montana, is as Communistic as the official organs of the Communist party of America and boasts of its connection with Communist movements. It prints with pride a letter of commendation from the Secretary of the "International of Former Combatants," in France. It supports all amnesty and pacifist movements, attacks capital in every issue, and is a part of a national group of similar papers backing the World War Veterans and the Workers' party of America preaching the same doctrine. As an example of the kind of information conveyed in these papers, to the exclusion of news of opposite character, three short items from a single issue are presented herewith:

"A report from Helsingfors stated the French battleship Curacao which was the flagship of the English Baltic Fleet, with a base at Helsingfors, has returned home, after a minor explosion which produced some damage. Our correspondent, however, learns that there is a report in Finnish military circles to the effect that the Cause for sending the Curacao home was not an explosion but a mutiny among the crew on board, who refused to operate against the fleet of the Russian Workers' Republic of Kronstadt. As the mutiny threatened to spread to other ships, the battleship was sent home."

"Reports from Tilsit are that the crew of the French squadron at Libau raised the Red flag. The crews of the warships demanded of their officers to be returned to France immediately. The French vessels were immediately sent home and an English squadron steamed in to occupy their positions at the port of Libau."

"According to a Soviet wireless message, mentioned in Avanti of May 4, General d'Anselme admitted in a conversation with representatives of the Odessa Soviet that the Bolshevik propaganda had 'demoralized' 60 percent of his soldiers."

Not content with using every possible effort to demoralize the Army and Navy of the United States, the Communists have been recruiting for a Red Army of America. Regular recruiting officers are sent out with literature, enlistment blanks and programs for the purpose of enrolling men to fight in the Red army in this country. This work, naturally, has to be kept entirely secret, and because of that fact practically nothing has been printed or known publicly of this part of the movement. It is impossible to say how far this illegal movement has gone. But it is known that the Communists have discussed a certain location in an Eastern State as a suitable site for the gathering and hiding of arms and ammunition to have ready when the time comes for the armed insurrection.

While the American troops were occupying portions of Germany after the armistice they were flooded with propaganda from Communist parties of Europe ihtended to incite them to insurrection and to plant the seed of Communism to be brought back to the Army in the United States. One such bit of propaganda, which was furnished by a former soldier, who brought it back with him from Europe, signed by the "Communist party of Germany," reads as follows:

"American soldiers, do you know why you are here?

"Thousands of miles across the sea are your homes, your friends, your job and your future life. Your family is waiting for your return, your mother or your wife, or maybe your sweetheart is anxiously waiting to become your wife.

"Why can't you go back now?

"Why did you come here, in the first place?

"Your motive was an honest one, an honorable one. You came to Europe to risk your life for democracy, to destroy the beast of militarism, and make the world a better place to live in. You fought bravely and you won. Perhaps the German working people could not have made their revolution and thrown off the Kaiser if you had not delivered such deadly blows at the Kaiser's military machine. You never had anything against the German people—only against the military clique. We know that and appreciate it.

"You have accomplished your object. Now you are lying about camp and waiting. You want to go home.

"You are not here to help us complete our revolution, but to prevent it. Your Government and all of the Allied governments are supporting the same scoundrels who helped the Kaiser throughout the war—the Ebert-Scheidemann Government. The real German revolutionists, the working class, are fighting against the Ebert-Scheidemann Government, because the Ebert-Scheidemann Government helped the Kaiser and will always fight against the right.

"Yet your Government is recognizing them and dealing with them, and doing everything it can against the real German revolutionists, the Spartacus people, as they are called, who have always fought against the Kaiser and have rotted in the Kaiser's prisons and been shot by the Kaiser's firing squads during the war.

"Your officers won't let you talk to the people around you for fear that you may learn the facts about the revolution.

"They make you drill five to six hours a day for fear that if you have time to think you may figure out for yourself why you are here.

"You are being kept in Europe to prevent the rule of the working people. .

"You know that the working people always get the bad end of it from the capitalists. Some of the American boys who have been demobilized have gone back home to ask for their jobs again. The bosses are welcoming the men as 'heroes' and then giving them back their old jobs—but paying them starvation wages, around a dollar and a half a day. The longer they keep you here, the better able they will be to cheat you out of a job or cheat yon on low pay when you get back.

"You came to Europe for democracy, but you are being kept here for the big bankers of Wall Street and of Paris and London and Berlin. You are being kept here to prevent the German revolution from overthrowing the junkers and bankers who supported the Kaiser, and you may be kept here to shoot down French working-men who rebel for real liberty, and you may be sent to England to fight there some more years as strike-breakers against the English working-people who are now trying to get the liberty they fought so long and bravely for. Or, you may be sent to Ireland to shoot to death the new Irish Republic.

"You came for democracy, but vou are not being kept here for it."

As a part of the drive conducted by the Communist party of America against the Army and Navy recruiting for the military establishments, the party circulated a letter said to have been written bv a prisoner in Atlanta penitentiary to Eugene V. Debs, after his release. The name of the writer is not given and it is not known why be is in prison, although the circular says that "it is from a man who served a term of years in the Navy and has been rewarded for his patriotism by a long prison sentence." The circular also states that "it is a fine bourgeois reformation they get at this walled-ininferno." After quoting the letter in full the circular adds two paragraphs intended to check enlistments. They read:

"This man who served the best years of his life in the United States Navy and is now in penitentiary warns young men not to be deceived by the fraudulent and alluring advertisements posted on city billboards and to steer clear of the Navy if they do not wish to enter deliberately upon a period of slavery under tyrannical rules after having signed away their rights as citizens, including the right to make a complaint.

"The warning voice of the imprisoned marine whose eyes are now opened and who would save other young men from sharing in his lamentable experience is well worthy of serious consideration."

The letter from the prisoner, which it is boasted was smuggled illegally out of the prison, is full of the complaints frequently heard in Army posts and among enlisted men in the Navy who have been punished for infractions of regulations. It recites punishments for offences which are known to everyone who knows anything about military discipline and the necessity for it. It contains no charge of anything except what is caused by chafing under discipline and resentment at punishment for violating the rules. One paragraph, however, says:

"The struggle of the oppressed will be won in time and then your name shall be a household word to the new generation."

The Communists have planted their agents in Government circles, in departments in Washington, in bureaus in other cities, with the intention of organizing nuclei of Communism wherever possible and of securing information as to what the Government is doing. One of the pledges exacted of Communists, in accordance with regulations adopted by the party in convention, is that no Communist shall accept a Government position "except under Civil Service." At first it was ruled that no Communist should work for the Government in any capacity under any circumstances, but this was modified when the leaders sought to obtain information of Government activities from loyal employees. The safeguard of Civil Service regulations, they believe, will protect Communists in Government employ because if any attempt is made to dismiss them they can raise the cry of "free speech" and have sufficient fanatical support in Congress to save them their jobs.

It is safe to say that not a department in Washington is entirely free from Communists. These men have been "planted" deliberately and spreading of propaganda is a part of their duty to the Communist party. In some of the departments there have been several known Communists at various times who were protected by their superiors in their positions. The most notorious example of high Government officials protecting radicals and encouraging them by word and deed was when Louis F. Post was Assistant Secretary of Labor. Post's radical activities won strong approval from the Communist party officially.

The Communist idea of government and the theory upon which the Communists demand the destruction of the Government of the United States, is brought out in the thesis on the Relations of Number One and Number Two (the illegal and legal branches of the Communist party) adopted at the convention at Bridgman before it was raided by the Michigan authorities. This thesis, which when adopted becomes a part of the regulations of the party, end which was adopted just before the raid, reads like a textbook, as follows:

  1. "Government is force organized by one class to keep another in subjection. When the subject class becomes conscious of the oppression under which it labors it organizes to overthrow the clas9 in power. This struggle, of necessity, develops into a struggle of force against force—of the armed force of the oppressed class against the armed force of the class in power—the Government.
  2. "This being an accepted phenomenon based on historical fact, it is the task of the Communists to prepare and organize the working class for this struggle against the master class, the capitalists, and against their organized Army force, the Government.
  3. "The great mass of the working class can be consciously organized for this task. Weighed with the burden of false education, prejudice and terrorism of the master class and the Government, they cannot be formed into organizations, consciously under the control of the Communists.
  4. "It is the function of the Communists therefore, as a most conscious, militant, revolutionary section of the working class, to organize themselves into a party and by means of this party prepare the rest of the working class for the struggle against the capitalist system and the Government.
  5. "The nature of the struggle—the overthrow of one class by another—makes it impossible, as history has shown, for a party with this program to carry on its most essential work in the open. The conflict with the Government is so open and so frequent that the revolutionary organization working openly would be disrupted and ground to pieces by the superior force of the State. The Communists, therefore, are compelled to function as an underground party—the Communist party.
  6. "Work in the underground limits activities, is very cumbersome and does not suffice for the overthrow of the capitalist system. The Communist party is obliged to penetrate all existing working class and semi-working class organizations to reach the masses, using these organizations as tools and auxiliaries of the Communist party. One of these organs is the open political party, consisting of revolutionary workers, not all of whom are real Communists. The program of this party, by its very nature, is restricted, in that it must adapt itself to the laws of the country.
  7. "This labor party can by no means replace the real Communist party. On the contrary, the underground party must be built ever stronger and firmer. It must guide and control the Labor party, through the influence of its membership, through its official organs and all other means of propaganda at its disposal.
  8. "To perform its function as the directing and controlling body the Communist party must be made up of only the best, the most advanced, the most trusted, tried and intelligent section of the working class. It must exercise a rigid discipline, removing from its ranks all who merely comprehend the principles of Communism but fail to carry on the work of the party. Not understanding alone, but activity, willingness to sacrifice and to do every kind of dangerous work must determine membership in the Communist party.
  9. "The tasks of the Communist party and all the organizations that it creates must be clearly defined, in order that all may serve their purpose without conflict and waste or duplication of effort. The specific functions of each party may vary at different stages of the development of the class struggle. At the present preparatory period undoubtedly a large part of the work can be done in many parts of the country openly, leaving for the underground party functions which, though limited in quantity nevertheless are of extreme importance, without which no real Communist movement can be conceived of.
  10. "The main task of the Communist party is to organize unrestricted Communist education and propaganda, thus insuring that the full Communist message is made clear at all times. The Communist party must carry on all such work as cannot be done openly; it must build and support the Labor party and other open organizations and direct their activities.
  11. "The Communist party must at least once a month issue its organs, dealing theoretically and analytically with all the problems of the class struggle and of the party. It shall give direction to and formulate the slogans for the work of all its open organizations. The attitude of the Communist party to its open organizations and especially the Labor party shall be a favorable and encouraging one. It must, however, always point out the deficiencies in the activities of the Labor party. The Communist party shall devise ways and means of reaching the membership of the Labor party with its illegal organ in order to further their education. The Communist party must also issue all such literature as cannot be published legally.
  12. "The Communist party must issue leaflets dealing with the struggles of the workers in a realistic manner, so that the masses will perceive that the Communist party understands the struggle, but it is unable to work openly because of the nature of its organization.
  13. "The Communist party must constantly make recruits to its ranks from the membership of the Labor party, labor unions and other working class organizations. It is one of the main tasks of the Communist party to develop and strengthen its organization.
  14. "The groups of the Communist party must meet regularly at least once a month.
  15. "The Communist party is the section of the Communist International in this country and is the only body capable of stating the official position of the Communist International.
  16. "The task of the Labor party is to participate directly in the everyday struggles of the workers, endeavoring to develop the struggles for immediate needs into revolutionary mass struggles. It must conduct open propaganda and education, participate in the elections, issue papers and leaflets on the basis of immediate demands, bringing the masses more and more to the Communist position. As far as possible all editors of the Labor party organs must be members of the Communist party.
  17. "Through the Labor party membership the Communist party permeates all existing working class organizations acting as nuclei within the organization. In the labor unions the Labor party must form a left wing acting as nucleus and taking the leadership in it.
  18. "The Communist party shall endeavor to establish the same discipline, wage scale and regulations for all officials of the Labor party and its open organizations as prevail in the Communist party. It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary party—the American section of the Communist International—is the Communist party of America, and that the Labor party is but an instrument which it uses the better to carry out the work among the masses. Only through membership in the American section of the Communist International—the Communist party of America—can the American workers become members of the Communist International.
  19. "As organs of the Communist party the Labor party and other open organizations must be under its direction and control. The discipline of the Communist party is supreme for Communist party members. The convention of the Communist party must be held prior to the convention of the Labor party and determine all policies for the party and all its open organizations. It is the duty of the committees and of the membership to carry out these policies in the Labor party and all other organizations. In order that the work of the Communist party and Labor party may be conducted properly and the Communist party at the same time be safeguarded from the clutches of the Government, the Executive Committee elected at the convention of the Communist party shall divide into two parts, the major part becoming the Number One Department and devoting itself to the carrying out in the Communist party of the policies laid down by the convention and the Executive Committee, the minor part becoming the Number Two Department and devoting itself to carrying out in the Labor party the policies laid down by the convention and the Executive Committee.
  20. "This policy of division of wwk shall be followed in all subordinate committees of the Communist party.
  21. "The functions of organizers of the Communist party and Labor party being different, and the safely of the organization making it imperative, the organizers of the Communist party shall, as a rule, not be the organizers of the Labor party.
  22. "The Communists must seek to control all committees in the Labor party. By better understanding of principles and more active participation in the Labor work, they must win over the membership of the Labor party to the real Communist position.
  23. "Members of the Communist party must work as a nucleus in the Labor party. Although all the policies are laid down in the Communist party, the activities of the Communists in the Labor party evolving out of these policies must be left to the understanding, better organization and generalship of the members of the Communist party.
  24. "Communist party members act as a caucus in the Labor party nuclei in the labor unions. Decisions on all important matters must be made in caucus meetings.
  25. "As the situation becomes more revolutionary, the Labor party, gaining the support of the masses, will become more revolutionary in form, character and activity. In such a situation, the Labor party shall formally amalgamate with the Communist party and assume its name.
  26. "The underground Communist party, remaining as an organization within the open party, must continue to be the directing and controlling body. It remains intact and must continually be strengthened. There must be a periodical purging of its ranks and the discipline made more rigid. New blood from the open party and other open organizations must be introduced into the underground organizations.
  27. "Even though the Communist party shall have come above ground and act as the section of the Communist International, the underground organization remains as the directing organ of the open Communist party. Ail important policies must first be taken up by the underground organization and its decisions put through in the open party. The underground must continually be reinforced, since even when fighting in the open, the activities of the open party will depend on the vigor, understanding, strategy and generalship of the underground organization. The open party being a mass party cannot have the discipline and understanding of an underground organization and will respond to calls to action only in proportion as the underground membership is disciplined and exerts influence. This status will continue up to and through the revolution and to the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat."

The thesis on tactics adopted by the Third International sets forth, among other things, that:

"The new international labor organization is established for the purpose of organizing united action of the world proletariat, aspiring toward the same goal: the overthrow of capitalism, the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, and of an international Soviet republic, for the complete elimination of classes and the realization of Socialism, the first step toward the communist commonwealth."

Commenting on this, the Communist party of America has officially stated that:

"This definition of the aims of the Communist International laid down in the statutes, distinctly defines all the questions of tactics to be solved. . . . The world revolution, i.e., the decay of capitalism and the concentration of the revolutionary energy of the proletariat, its organization into aggressive, victorious power, will require a prolonged period of revolutionary struggle. . . . The Communists declared, while the the war was raging, that the period of imperialism was making for an epoch of social revolution, i.e., of a long series of civil wars in a number of capitalistic countries, and of wars between the capitalist states on one side and proletarian states and exploited colonial peoples on the other side."

Bearing these statements in mind, with particular emphasis on the plans of the Communist International, through the Communist party of America, it is interesting to read a statement in Truth, which speaks officially for the party, in its issue of August 4,1922, where it says:

"Mere talk, regardless of its eloquence or volume, will not expose the capitalists to the working class. The Communists must put forward concrete proposals. Tangible, immediate demands in line with the workers' interest must be made on the Government. Our activity in Congress is subsidiary to and dependent upon the mass struggle on the outside. The bourgeoisie will do their best to kill all our propositions. They will refuse even to consider the workers' problems. This will materially aid us in exposing the capitalist. This will help us to give a political character to the whole struggle. . . . When we make these definite demands on Government, when we put forward our immediate legislative demands, we do so not with the idea of solving the insolvable—the contradictions of capitalism—but in order to rally the masses around practical concrete plans of combat which will further draw them into the struggle against the state and expose its class character."

Early in September, 1922, a delegation of the Communist party of America sailed for Europe and established itself, where it discussed with the Russian Communist leader plans for an intensive campaign among Congressmen of the United States for the immediate recognition of the Soviet Government of Russia by this country. One of the American Communist leaders stated that certain Senators are already in line for this drive and are all the time working toward securing such recognition. He said that these Senators are in constant communication with Communist leaders here and directly with the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in Moscow. He declared that the Moscow Government has determined to spend several millions of dollars on propaganda for recognition by the United Slates if it could be assured of success as a result of this expenditure.

The general plan to be adopted, thus, was discussed in Moscow with American citizens sitting in the conference. These Americans have already announced to the Communists that they must devote their attention to certain people "during elections both National and State."

This delegation sailed in September, 1922. In the latter part of August of that year Communist representatives went to Washington and held conferences with members of the Congress of the United States.